In her article Shakespeare in the Bush Laura Bohannan shows that a the - FinalQuiz

Question

In her article, "Shakespeare in the Bush," Laura Bohannan shows that
a. the story of Hamlet does not retain its original meaning when told to a Tiv audience.
b. the story of Hamlet retains Shakespeare's meaning for both the English and the Tiv.
c. the Tiv misunderstood why Hamlet's father's ghost would seek revenge.
d. the Tiv were shocked by the quick marriage of Hamlet's mother to his uncle.

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Q: The Worst Lover: Boyfriend Spirits in Senegal RACHEL MUELLER Summary This article by Rachel Mueller details the unique coexistence and cooperation in modern Senegal of the Sufi sect of Islam, and Lbou, a religious cult that attributes inexplicable behavior, health issues, and adversity to troublesome spirits (rab) who intentionally interact and sometimes possess girls and women. According to Mueller, Senegal is a growing, cosmopolitan country filled with history and a tradition of great hospitality, or terenga. By all appearancesprayer mats in office buildings, posters and photos of Islamic holy men in the cities' taxis, and people in prayer five times a daySenegal, and in particular, Dakar, is filled with people who practice Islam. Sprinkled among the followers of Muhammad are individuals who adhere to a religious tradition that involves invisible spirits roaming the earth and interacting with humans, sometimes in an unpleasant and troublesome manner. Mueller details the reasons these spirits are unhappy, and relates tales of their efforts to possess young women who are beautiful and well dressed. Women and girls are encouraged to cover their knees in public (these are a particular weakness of the faru rab, the "boyfriend spirits" who possess and preoccupy girls and women) and dress conservatively, even while sleeping. Islam and Lbou intersect at times, namely when Islamic holy men are called upon to communicate with the spirits who bother women. Significantly, however, female healers and priestesses (called an ndeppkat) also play an important role in liaising with the spirit world. Both the Islamic holy men and the ndeppkat, Mueller explains, learn about the rab and determine what can be done to discourage or drive him away. The remedies may include bathing in holy water, making animal sacrifices, and dressing in a color unpleasant to the rab. Unfortunately, these efforts do not always work, and an elaborate ritual called an ndepp may be necessary to exorcise the rab entirely. Mueller elaborates on the intersection of Islam and Lbou, as well as the effect that modernization, globalization, and the Internet might have on the future of the Lbou beliefs and traditions. Although Senegalese with financial means now turn to Western doctors for solutions to what they believe is rab spirit control, and some of the effects are cured, many continue to turn to healers because the rab spirit world is so strongly engrained in the Lbou culture. According to Mueller in "The Worst Lover: Boyfriend Spirits in Senegal," although there are many different types of rab, Madge-juenne, is known to be the most vicious and should be avoided at all costs.

Q: The Worst Lover: Boyfriend Spirits in Senegal RACHEL MUELLER Summary This article by Rachel Mueller details the unique coexistence and cooperation in modern Senegal of the Sufi sect of Islam, and Lbou, a religious cult that attributes inexplicable behavior, health issues, and adversity to troublesome spirits (rab) who intentionally interact and sometimes possess girls and women. According to Mueller, Senegal is a growing, cosmopolitan country filled with history and a tradition of great hospitality, or terenga. By all appearancesprayer mats in office buildings, posters and photos of Islamic holy men in the cities' taxis, and people in prayer five times a daySenegal, and in particular, Dakar, is filled with people who practice Islam. Sprinkled among the followers of Muhammad are individuals who adhere to a religious tradition that involves invisible spirits roaming the earth and interacting with humans, sometimes in an unpleasant and troublesome manner. Mueller details the reasons these spirits are unhappy, and relates tales of their efforts to possess young women who are beautiful and well dressed. Women and girls are encouraged to cover their knees in public (these are a particular weakness of the faru rab, the "boyfriend spirits" who possess and preoccupy girls and women) and dress conservatively, even while sleeping. Islam and Lbou intersect at times, namely when Islamic holy men are called upon to communicate with the spirits who bother women. Significantly, however, female healers and priestesses (called an ndeppkat) also play an important role in liaising with the spirit world. Both the Islamic holy men and the ndeppkat, Mueller explains, learn about the rab and determine what can be done to discourage or drive him away. The remedies may include bathing in holy water, making animal sacrifices, and dressing in a color unpleasant to the rab. Unfortunately, these efforts do not always work, and an elaborate ritual called an ndepp may be necessary to exorcise the rab entirely. Mueller elaborates on the intersection of Islam and Lbou, as well as the effect that modernization, globalization, and the Internet might have on the future of the Lbou beliefs and traditions. Although Senegalese with financial means now turn to Western doctors for solutions to what they believe is rab spirit control, and some of the effects are cured, many continue to turn to healers because the rab spirit world is so strongly engrained in the Lbou culture. According to Mueller in "The Worst Lover: Boyfriend Spirits in Senegal," the people of the Lbou district of Dakar believe that faru rab have the power to, among other things, prevent women from speaking, give them sexual dreams, and trigger infertility.

Q: Navigating Nigerian Bureaucracies ELIZABETH A. EAMES Summary In this article, Elizabeth A. Eames describes her experiences in Nigeria both from the perspective of an anthropologist and as an individual raised in the U.S. bureaucratic system. She shares the lessons she learned as she tried to decipher the rules of proper behavior, and concludes with a discussion of Max Weber's concept of patrimonial authority. Eames' experiences and frustrations with the Nigerian social system stemmed in part from her "American-ness," her belief in equal and efficient treatment for all. Much to her surprise, the social system in Nigeria operated on different principles: in Nigeria, rights are negotiable, bribery is a legitimate way of doing business, and power comes from being in a position to grant favors to others. The author's introduction to the intricacies of Nigerian society and how much it depends on interpersonal relations began before she ever set foot on Nigerian soil: a personal connection rescued her visa from the maze of paperwork at the New York consulate. At the time she had no idea how important the currency of favors and gratitude was to the social system, but quickly came to understand that these, along with hospitality and strong greeting skills, were the only way to accomplish anything in the patrimonial bureaucracy that operates in Nigeria today. Seemingly simple undertakings, such as getting immigration forms signed, registering as a graduate student, and extending her visatasks that were typically routine, impersonal, and efficient in a legally dominated bureaucracy such as in the United Stateswere time-consuming, confusing, and nowhere near routine. For some of these tasks, the simple act of describing the problem led from one contact to another, and eventually a resolution presented itself. As her network of contacts grew, so did her ability to get things done. Eames also learned the hard way that not allowing acquaintances to assist her had significant consequences; it was seen as a betrayal or a denial of a relationship. Everything in Nigeria, the author came to understand, was personal. The author describes Max Weber's ideals of legal and patrimonial domination, and articulates the six principles of patrimonial administration that Weber believed would eventually be replaced by bureaucracy. Eames disputes this claim. Because an individual's understanding of hierarchy is based on the relationship of infant and caretaker, Eames believes this creates a psychological need for personalized treatment when interacting with authority figures. This tendency causes individualseven in legal bureaucraciesto hope for personal treatment and resent impersonal, cold interactions. In Nigerian society, a personal relationship is required to begin a business transaction.

Q: Navigating Nigerian BureaucraciesELIZABETH A. EAMESSummary In this article, Elizabeth A. Eames describes her experiences in Nigeria both from the perspective of an anthropologist and as an individual raised in the U.S. bureaucratic system. She shares the lessons she learned as she tried to decipher the rules of proper behavior, and concludes with a discussion of Max Weber's concept of patrimonial authority.Eames' experiences and frustrations with the Nigerian social system stemmed in part from her "American-ness," her belief in equal and efficient treatment for all. Much to her surprise, the social system in Nigeria operated on different principles: in Nigeria, rights are negotiable, bribery is a legitimate way of doing business, and power comes from being in a position to grant favors to others.The author's introduction to the intricacies of Nigerian society and how much it depends on interpersonal relations began before she ever set foot on Nigerian soil: a personal connection rescued her visa from the maze of paperwork at the New York consulate. At the time she had no idea how important the currency of favors and gratitude was to the social system, but quickly came to understand that these, along with hospitality and strong greeting skills, were the only way to accomplish anything in the patrimonial bureaucracy that operates in Nigeria today. Seemingly simple undertakings, such as getting immigration forms signed, registering as a graduate student, and extending her visatasks that were typically routine, impersonal, and efficient in a legally dominated bureaucracy such as in the United Stateswere time-consuming, confusing, and nowhere near routine. For some of these tasks, the simple act of describing the problem led from one contact to another, and eventually a resolution presented itself. As her network of contacts grew, so did her ability to get things done. Eames also learned the hard way that not allowing acquaintances to assist her had significant consequences; it was seen as a betrayal or a denial of a relationship. Everything in Nigeria, the author came to understand, was personal.The author describes Max Weber's ideals of legal and patrimonial domination, and articulates the six principles of patrimonial administration that Weber believed would eventually be replaced by bureaucracy. Eames disputes this claim. Because an individual's understanding of hierarchy is based on the relationship of infant and caretaker, Eames believes this creates a psychological need for personalized treatment when interacting with authority figures. This tendency causes individualseven in legal bureaucraciesto hope for personal treatment and resent impersonal, cold interactions.In slash-and-burn agriculture, small pieces of land are cultivated for a few years until the soil is no longer fertile; then the piece of land is abandoned.

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Q: Law and Order JAMES P. SPRADLEY AND DAVID W. McCURDY Summary In this article, Spradley and McCurdy present law in the context of dispute resolution, using cases drawn from anthropologist Laura Nader's work in Ralu"a, a Zapotec Indian village located in southern Mexico. The article deals with several concepts: the structure of legal culture, including substantive law and procedural law, legal levels, legal principles, and cultural values. Substantive law consists of the legal statutes that define right and wrong. This is illustrated by the flirtation of a married man with an unmarried woman, which the Zapotec treat as a crime. Similarly, the case of a son who harvested coffee from his father's land without permission is also defined as a crime to be dealt with by the community's legal system. Legal levels refer to the ways in which disputes are settled by different kinds of authority agents. Among the Zapotec, several levels for settling disputes exist. Disputes can be settled by family elders, witches, local officials, the priest, supernatural beings, or officials in the municipio. If all else fails, the dispute can be taken to the district court in Villa Alta. Procedural law refers to the agreed-upon ways to settle disputes, which are often unwritten, and therefore implicit in nature. In Ralu"a, for example, it is generally agreed that one should not take family disputes to court, and disputes between villagers (such as an argument over the washing stone) should be taken to court only if they cannot be settled between the disputing individuals beforehand. In this case, the dispute was settled when the presidente (village chairman who also presides over the village court) and other elected village officials formed a work force, improved the washing facilities at the well, and declared that washing stones would no longer be owned by individuals. Legal systems reflect legal principles and cultural values. Legal principles are based on the fundamental values of a culture; a legal principle is a broad conception of some desirable state of affairs that gives rise to many substantive and procedural rules. Americans put great emphasis on establishing truth, while for the Zapotec, a major legal principle is to "make the balance." This means to encourage compromise and settlement so that disputes disappear and disputants get along with each other in the future. This in turn is based on the Zapotec cultural value of maintaining social equilibrium. A direct confrontation between individuals where one loses and another wins is unsettling to community members. According to Spradley and McCurdy in "Law and Order," the system of legal levels in the Zapotec village of Ralu"a means that disputes can only be settled by the presidente or principales.

Q: Cross-Cultural Law:The Case of an American Gypsy ANNE SUTHERLAND Summary This article by Anne Sutherland looks at what happens when members of one culture live under the legal jurisdiction of another. The article describes the case of a young Gypsy man accused of using someone else's Social Security number, and the role played by an anthropologist in his court defense. The young Gypsy male used the Social Security number of a five-year-old nephew to apply for a car loan. Gypsies believe that their vitsa (clan) has rights over property such as names and Social Security numbers, and that vitsa members can share in these things. Although he had no intention of stealing the car or defrauding anyone, the man was charged under a law that makes it a felony to use someone else's Social Security number. The police also concluded that he was part of a car theft ring. Sutherland became involved in the case as an expert witness for the defense. Her first act was to discover whether the young man was a Gypsy and what his name was. Gypsies take on many "American" names, which they change often. Their identities are more typically associated with their vitsa, or clan, and a larger grouping of clans called a natsia. During the trial she testified that the young man had no intention of defrauding or stealing from anyone. She noted that it was usual for members of vitsas to share American names, Social Security numbers, and other marks of identity. Despite her testimony, however, the defendant was convicted. Sutherland concludes her article with three points. First, Gypsies, who are a nomadic group, do not stress individual identities, which are so important to settled Americans. For hundreds of years the people and governments of the countries in which they live have persecuted Gypsies. She cites ample evidence that American police also consider them a criminal society. Hiding their identities has been their response to this persecution. Second, Gypsies suffer in jail to an unusual extent because they believe they are polluted there. Gypsies avoid long contact with non-Gypsies and their food because the latter pollute (marime) them. Their own relatives shun them if this happens, and they must go through a period of purification before reintegration into their own society. Third, there is a clash between the Gypsy view of membership in a corporate kin group and the usual American view of individual rights. In "The Case of an American Gypsy," Sutherland notes that the young Gypsy man she helped to defend in court refused to eat jail food, as a protest for not being allowed to call his relatives.

Q: Motorcycles, Membership, and Belonging DAVID W. McCURDY Summary In his article entitled "Motorcycles, Membership, and Belonging," David McCurdy discusses the ways humans form groups, identifying the more common ways for Americans and drawing a comparison between the traditional kinship group in rural India and the more American method of social aggregation based on shared interests. Indian families would be surprised, McCurdy suggests, to see how American families live in comparison to their own existence in large, close-knit groups of extended families. Americans grow up in small nuclear families, often with parents out working. Neighbors are often strangers, and people can appear lonely. American society values individualism, independence, and competition. However, McCurdy believes that Americans find satisfying social connections not from families and neighbors, but instead from other groups: networks of friends from local taverns, work organizations, and civic groups. He contends that these groups, as well as those formed around shared interests, provide members with a sense of self-worth and a safe place to express their social needs. To illustrate his argument, McCurdy describes the Gold Wing Recreational Rider Association (GWRRA), a group formed in 1976 by seven couples in Phoenix, Arizona, who owned Honda Gold Wing motorcycles and wanted to connect with others for the purposes of touring. Since then, this group has grown to include more than 70,000 members in the United States, Canada, and 10 other countries. It boasts a paid staff, an army of volunteers, 10 deputy directors, nine American and three Canadian regional directors, 49 district directors, and 586 chapter directors. It has an annual rally called the "Wing Ding" that draws over 10,000 participants. Local chapters gather for a variety of events, including monthly meetings, weekly rides, and fund-raisers. McCurdy argues that the core values of this organization reflect the values and symbolism of kinship groups and offer participants a framework of belonging and opportunities to express themselves. Participation in the GWRRA brings with it a certain expectation of behavior. Members show off their motorcycles, and are expected to have pride in their machines, cleaning and adorning them with chrome and other accents. Participation is encouraged and rewarded by pins and patches. Safety is of utmost importance, and members are discouraged from showing off, driving after drinking, and riding aggressively. Additionally, couples are a valued part of the group, and members are strongly encouraged to participate and tour with the group, despite the physical challenges of motorcycle riding. McCurdy concludes that belonging to a group of individuals who share an interest provides Americans with a feeling of belonging that many do not find at home or work. It offers the opportunity for personal recognition, a sense of self-worth, and a way to express themselves. For many, McCurdy argues, this organized group provides what he calls a "non-family home." The Gold Wing Road Riders Association was formed in 1976 by seven couples who lived in Phoenix, Arizona.