In How Sushi Went Global Bestor notes that Japans control over sushi - FinalQuiz

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In "How Sushi Went Global," Bestor notes that Japan's control over sushi as a Japanese cultural entity
a. has diminished as it has become more widely available around the world, from baseball stadiums to fine dining establishments in the United States, and from apartments in Madrid to Buenos Aires.
b. has weakened, as many non-Japanese sushi bars that identify with other ethnicities have opened in metropolitan areas outside of Japan.
c. is apparent in the use of Japanese buyers and "tuna techs" to instruct New England fishermen on the proper techniques to catch, handle, and pack tuna for export.
d. has diminshed; the number of U.S. visas granted to Japanese sushi chefs, tuna buyers, and other workers in the global sushi business has dropped to under 200 a year.

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Q: The Worst Lover: Boyfriend Spirits in Senegal RACHEL MUELLER Summary This article by Rachel Mueller details the unique coexistence and cooperation in modern Senegal of the Sufi sect of Islam, and Lbou, a religious cult that attributes inexplicable behavior, health issues, and adversity to troublesome spirits (rab) who intentionally interact and sometimes possess girls and women. According to Mueller, Senegal is a growing, cosmopolitan country filled with history and a tradition of great hospitality, or terenga. By all appearancesprayer mats in office buildings, posters and photos of Islamic holy men in the cities' taxis, and people in prayer five times a daySenegal, and in particular, Dakar, is filled with people who practice Islam. Sprinkled among the followers of Muhammad are individuals who adhere to a religious tradition that involves invisible spirits roaming the earth and interacting with humans, sometimes in an unpleasant and troublesome manner. Mueller details the reasons these spirits are unhappy, and relates tales of their efforts to possess young women who are beautiful and well dressed. Women and girls are encouraged to cover their knees in public (these are a particular weakness of the faru rab, the "boyfriend spirits" who possess and preoccupy girls and women) and dress conservatively, even while sleeping. Islam and Lbou intersect at times, namely when Islamic holy men are called upon to communicate with the spirits who bother women. Significantly, however, female healers and priestesses (called an ndeppkat) also play an important role in liaising with the spirit world. Both the Islamic holy men and the ndeppkat, Mueller explains, learn about the rab and determine what can be done to discourage or drive him away. The remedies may include bathing in holy water, making animal sacrifices, and dressing in a color unpleasant to the rab. Unfortunately, these efforts do not always work, and an elaborate ritual called an ndepp may be necessary to exorcise the rab entirely. Mueller elaborates on the intersection of Islam and Lbou, as well as the effect that modernization, globalization, and the Internet might have on the future of the Lbou beliefs and traditions. Although Senegalese with financial means now turn to Western doctors for solutions to what they believe is rab spirit control, and some of the effects are cured, many continue to turn to healers because the rab spirit world is so strongly engrained in the Lbou culture. According to Mueller in "The Worst Lover: Boyfriend Spirits in Senegal," the people of the Lbou district of Dakar believe that faru rab have the power to, among other things, prevent women from speaking, give them sexual dreams, and trigger infertility.

Q: Navigating Nigerian Bureaucracies ELIZABETH A. EAMES Summary In this article, Elizabeth A. Eames describes her experiences in Nigeria both from the perspective of an anthropologist and as an individual raised in the U.S. bureaucratic system. She shares the lessons she learned as she tried to decipher the rules of proper behavior, and concludes with a discussion of Max Weber's concept of patrimonial authority. Eames' experiences and frustrations with the Nigerian social system stemmed in part from her "American-ness," her belief in equal and efficient treatment for all. Much to her surprise, the social system in Nigeria operated on different principles: in Nigeria, rights are negotiable, bribery is a legitimate way of doing business, and power comes from being in a position to grant favors to others. The author's introduction to the intricacies of Nigerian society and how much it depends on interpersonal relations began before she ever set foot on Nigerian soil: a personal connection rescued her visa from the maze of paperwork at the New York consulate. At the time she had no idea how important the currency of favors and gratitude was to the social system, but quickly came to understand that these, along with hospitality and strong greeting skills, were the only way to accomplish anything in the patrimonial bureaucracy that operates in Nigeria today. Seemingly simple undertakings, such as getting immigration forms signed, registering as a graduate student, and extending her visatasks that were typically routine, impersonal, and efficient in a legally dominated bureaucracy such as in the United Stateswere time-consuming, confusing, and nowhere near routine. For some of these tasks, the simple act of describing the problem led from one contact to another, and eventually a resolution presented itself. As her network of contacts grew, so did her ability to get things done. Eames also learned the hard way that not allowing acquaintances to assist her had significant consequences; it was seen as a betrayal or a denial of a relationship. Everything in Nigeria, the author came to understand, was personal. The author describes Max Weber's ideals of legal and patrimonial domination, and articulates the six principles of patrimonial administration that Weber believed would eventually be replaced by bureaucracy. Eames disputes this claim. Because an individual's understanding of hierarchy is based on the relationship of infant and caretaker, Eames believes this creates a psychological need for personalized treatment when interacting with authority figures. This tendency causes individualseven in legal bureaucraciesto hope for personal treatment and resent impersonal, cold interactions. In Nigerian society, a personal relationship is required to begin a business transaction.

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