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Question
In the early 20th century, the anthropologist Franz Boas described changes in skull form among the children of Europeans who had emigrated to North America. He found that the reason for these changes could not be explained by genetics. His findings underscore the fact that
A. phenotypic similarities and differences dont necessarily have a genetic basis.
B. even though the environment influences the phenotype, genetics is a more powerful determinant of racial differences.
C. diet affects which genes are turned off and which get turned on, resulting in a particular phenotypic characteristic.
D. describing changes in skull form is the most accurate way to study the impact of migration on traveling populations.
E. observing changes over one generation is not enough to make conclusions about changes in the genotype and phenotype.
Answer
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Related questions
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A. exotic
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Robert Redfields research recognized that a city is a social context that is very different from a tribal or peasant village. What did he study?
A. differences between more and less developed countries in their urban life
B. differences between health care systems among foragers and agriculturalists
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Which of the following is a reason that the Madagascar project to increase rice production was successful?
A. Malagasy leaders were of the peasantry and were therefore prepared to follow the descent-group ethic of pooling resources for the good of the group as a whole.
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What is the commonly stated goal for most development projects?
A. greater socioeconomic stratification
B. ethnocide
C. cultural assimilation
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Which of the following illustrates some of the dangers of the old applied anthropology?
A. anthropologists promoting the study of their field among university undergraduates
B. anthropologists practicing participant observation and taking photographs of ritualistic behavior
C. Robert Redfields work on the contrasts between urban and rural communities
D. anthropologists collaborating with nongovernmental organizations in the 1980s
E. anthropologists aiding colonial expansion by providing ethnographic information to colonists
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Why is ethnography one of the most valuable and distinctive tools of the applied anthropologist?
A. It is valuable insiders data that can be routinely sold to multinational corporations and state agencies without the consent of the people studied.
B. It provides a firsthand account of the day-to-day issues and challenges that the members of a given community face, as well as a sense of how those people think about and react to these issues.
C. It produces a statistically unbiased summary of human response to set stimuli.
D. It is among the most economical and time-efficient tools that exist in the social sciences.
E. It can be produced without leaving the comfort of the anthropologists office.
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B. the threat that the World Wide Web poses to anthropologists who are less and less needed to write about and publish accounts of cultural diversity.
C. the fact that anthropologists are, after all, colonial agents of the industrialized West.
D. a lack of leadership in the American Anthropological Association.
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A. All myths can be classified as either good or evil.
B. The human propensity to classify phenomena in certain ways is acquired through enculturation.
C. There is a very specific role for human agency in culture, and the structure of cultural patterns determines that role.
D. Cultural patterns determine the human propensity to classify things in certain ways.
E. Human minds have certain universal characteristics that originate in common features of the Homo sapiens brain and lead people everywhere to think similarly regardless of their society or cultural background.
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A. a strong sense of determinism, leaving very little (if any) room for the exercise of individual human agency
B. a well-founded suspicion in the claims of science
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D. a sense of moral duty to help the people they studied to accelerate their path to civilization
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Radcliffe-Brown advocated that social anthropology be a synchronic rather than a diachronic science; that is, a study
A. of culture in motion (synchronic) rather than as a static entity (diachronic).
B. that compares cultural traits within the same society and not across societies.
C. of societies across time (synchronic) rather than across space (diachronic).
D. of societies as they exist today (synchronic, one at a time) rather than across time (diachronic).
E. of societies as made up of individuals, not as a sum greater than its parts.
Q:
The view that each element of culture, such as the culture trait or trait complex, has its own distinctive history, and that social forms (such as totemism in different societies) that might look similar are not comparable because of their different histories, is known as
A. historical particularism.
B. cultural generalism.
C. the Boasian approach.
D. structural functionalism.
E. comparative functionalism.
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This chapters survey of the major theoretical perspectives that have characterized anthropology highlights all of the following EXCEPT
A. a continuous concern with how to define and study culture.
B. the theoretical and methodological shift from complexity to models that simplify human diversity.
C. a continuous concern with scientific fundamentals and whether or not anthropologys research subject is best studied scientifically.
D. attention to whether or not anthropological data ought to be comparative across time and space.
E. the disciplines profound commitment to understanding human diversity.
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Independent invention occurs when two or more cultures independently come up with similar solutions to a common problem.
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Diffusion plays an important role in spreading cultural traits around the world.
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Anthropology is characterized by a methodological rather than moral relativism; in order to understand another culture fully, anthropologists try to understand its members beliefs and motivations.