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Question
What is the difference between kin terms and genealogical kin types? Why would an anthropologist want to make such a distinction? Can you see any problems with this distinction? In your everyday experience, do you distinguish between kin terms and genealogical kin types?
Answer
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Related questions
Q:
How might a premedical student apply some of the knowledge learned through anthropology as a physician? What is the value of studying the curing and belief systems of patients ethnic groups?
Q:
What, if anything, is the difference between an anthropologist currently consulting on a development project in Indonesia and another one conducting research in support of the British colonial governments efforts to subdue African natives in the 1930s?
Q:
Scientific medicine is not the same thing as Western medicine. Despite advances in technology, genomics, molecular biology, pathology, surgery, diagnostics, and applications, many Western medical procedures have little justification in logic or fact.
Q:
An illness is a scientifically identified health threat caused by a bacterium, virus, fungus, parasite, or other pathogen.
Q:
A comparative study of 68 rural development projects from all around the world found culturally compatible economic development projects to be twice as successful financially as incompatible ones.
Q:
Developmental anthropology is the branch of applied anthropology that focuses on social issues in, and the cultural dimensions of, moral development.
Q:
Academic and applied anthropology have a symbiotic relationship, as theory aids practice and application fuels theory.
Q:
Although its roots extend further back in time, the real boom for applied anthropology in the United States began in the 1970s.
Q:
Shamans and other magico-religious specialists are effective curers with regard to what kind of disease theory?
A. exotic
B. ritualistic
C. naturalistic
D. personalistic
E. scientific
Q:
Robert Redfields research recognized that a city is a social context that is very different from a tribal or peasant village. What did he study?
A. differences between more and less developed countries in their urban life
B. differences between health care systems among foragers and agriculturalists
C. differences between urban and rural communities
D. differences between the consequences of overinnovation and underdifferentiation
E. differences between illnesses and diseases
Q:
Which of the following is a reason that the Madagascar project to increase rice production was successful?
A. Malagasy leaders were of the peasantry and were therefore prepared to follow the descent-group ethic of pooling resources for the good of the group as a whole.
B. The elites and the lower class were of different origins and thus had no strong connections through kinship, descent, or marriage.
C. There is a clear fit between capitalist development schemes and corporate descent-group social organization.
D. The project took into account the inevitability of native forms of social organization breaking down into nuclear family organization, impersonality, and alienation.
E. The educated members of Malagasy society are those who have struggled to fend for themselves and therefore brought an innovative kind of independence to the project.
Q:
What is the commonly stated goal for most development projects?
A. greater socioeconomic stratification
B. ethnocide
C. cultural assimilation
D. decreased local autonomy
E. increased equity
Q:
Which of the following illustrates some of the dangers of the old applied anthropology?
A. anthropologists promoting the study of their field among university undergraduates
B. anthropologists practicing participant observation and taking photographs of ritualistic behavior
C. Robert Redfields work on the contrasts between urban and rural communities
D. anthropologists collaborating with nongovernmental organizations in the 1980s
E. anthropologists aiding colonial expansion by providing ethnographic information to colonists
Q:
Why is ethnography one of the most valuable and distinctive tools of the applied anthropologist?
A. It is valuable insiders data that can be routinely sold to multinational corporations and state agencies without the consent of the people studied.
B. It provides a firsthand account of the day-to-day issues and challenges that the members of a given community face, as well as a sense of how those people think about and react to these issues.
C. It produces a statistically unbiased summary of human response to set stimuli.
D. It is among the most economical and time-efficient tools that exist in the social sciences.
E. It can be produced without leaving the comfort of the anthropologists office.
Q:
Anthropologist Clyde Kluckhohn (1944) saw a key public service role for anthropology. In his words, it could provide a scientific basis for dealing with the crucial dilemma of the world today: how can peoples of different appearance, mutually unintelligible languages, and dissimilar ways of life get along peaceably together. Anthropologists also have made and continue to make a dramatic impact on peoples welfare as they cope with crises such as the January 2010 Haiti earthquake. What are some examples of this?
Q:
What advantages might a project that combines both quantitative and qualitative techniques have over one that utilizes only one or the other? What research situation might be best suited to such a combined strategy?
Q:
Manchester anthropologists Max Gluckman and Victor Turner made conflict an important part of their analysis, distancing themselves somewhat from Panglossian functionalism, the tendency to see things as functioning not just to maintain the system but to do so in the most optimal way possible.
Q:
This chapters overview of the history of anthropological theory suggests that the discipline has made no important contributions to social theory in general.
Q:
Given the realities of the contemporary world, anthropologists need to apply methods that protect their analyses from biases caused by external forces.
Q:
Since there are so many anthropologists in the United States, the distinction between emic and etic does not apply to American culture.
Q:
When an ethnographer uses an interview schedule to gather information from the field, this inevitably limits the researchers capacity to ask and answer truly relevant questions.
Q:
What right do ethnographers have to represent a people or culture to which they dont belong? This question illustrates
A. anthropologys crisis in representationquestions about the role of the ethnographer and the nature of ethnographic authority.
B. the threat that the World Wide Web poses to anthropologists who are less and less needed to write about and publish accounts of cultural diversity.
C. the fact that anthropologists are, after all, colonial agents of the industrialized West.
D. a lack of leadership in the American Anthropological Association.
E. the problem inherent in anthropologys overspecialization.
Q:
Which is the key assumption in Claude Lvi-Strausss structuralism?
A. All myths can be classified as either good or evil.
B. The human propensity to classify phenomena in certain ways is acquired through enculturation.
C. There is a very specific role for human agency in culture, and the structure of cultural patterns determines that role.
D. Cultural patterns determine the human propensity to classify things in certain ways.
E. Human minds have certain universal characteristics that originate in common features of the Homo sapiens brain and lead people everywhere to think similarly regardless of their society or cultural background.
Q:
Despite the differences among theoretical paradigms of practitioners as varied as Harris (cultural materialism), White (neoevolutionism), Julian Steward (cultural ecology), and Margaret Mead (configurationalism), all of them have what in common?
A. a strong sense of determinism, leaving very little (if any) room for the exercise of individual human agency
B. a well-founded suspicion in the claims of science
C. an embrace of reflexive anthropology
D. a sense of moral duty to help the people they studied to accelerate their path to civilization
E. a strong concern for the future of anthropological education
Q:
Radcliffe-Brown advocated that social anthropology be a synchronic rather than a diachronic science; that is, a study
A. of culture in motion (synchronic) rather than as a static entity (diachronic).
B. that compares cultural traits within the same society and not across societies.
C. of societies across time (synchronic) rather than across space (diachronic).
D. of societies as they exist today (synchronic, one at a time) rather than across time (diachronic).
E. of societies as made up of individuals, not as a sum greater than its parts.
Q:
The view that each element of culture, such as the culture trait or trait complex, has its own distinctive history, and that social forms (such as totemism in different societies) that might look similar are not comparable because of their different histories, is known as
A. historical particularism.
B. cultural generalism.
C. the Boasian approach.
D. structural functionalism.
E. comparative functionalism.
Q:
This chapters survey of the major theoretical perspectives that have characterized anthropology highlights all of the following EXCEPT
A. a continuous concern with how to define and study culture.
B. the theoretical and methodological shift from complexity to models that simplify human diversity.
C. a continuous concern with scientific fundamentals and whether or not anthropologys research subject is best studied scientifically.
D. attention to whether or not anthropological data ought to be comparative across time and space.
E. the disciplines profound commitment to understanding human diversity.
Q:
Independent invention occurs when two or more cultures independently come up with similar solutions to a common problem.
Q:
Diffusion plays an important role in spreading cultural traits around the world.
Q:
Anthropology is characterized by a methodological rather than moral relativism; in order to understand another culture fully, anthropologists try to understand its members beliefs and motivations.