Q&A Hero

Q: The Worst Lover: Boyfriend Spirits in Senegal RACHEL MUELLER Summary This article by Rachel Mueller details the unique coexistence and cooperation in modern Senegal of the Sufi sect of Islam, and Lbou, a religious cult that attributes inexplicable behavior, health issues, and adversity to troublesome spirits (rab) who intentionally interact and sometimes possess girls and women. According to Mueller, Senegal is a growing, cosmopolitan country filled with history and a tradition of great hospitality, or terenga. By all appearancesprayer mats in office buildings, posters and photos of Islamic holy men in the cities' taxis, and people in prayer five times a daySenegal, and in particular, Dakar, is filled with people who practice Islam. Sprinkled among the followers of Muhammad are individuals who adhere to a religious tradition that involves invisible spirits roaming the earth and interacting with humans, sometimes in an unpleasant and troublesome manner. Mueller details the reasons these spirits are unhappy, and relates tales of their efforts to possess young women who are beautiful and well dressed. Women and girls are encouraged to cover their knees in public (these are a particular weakness of the faru rab, the "boyfriend spirits" who possess and preoccupy girls and women) and dress conservatively, even while sleeping. Islam and Lbou intersect at times, namely when Islamic holy men are called upon to communicate with the spirits who bother women. Significantly, however, female healers and priestesses (called an ndeppkat) also play an important role in liaising with the spirit world. Both the Islamic holy men and the ndeppkat, Mueller explains, learn about the rab and determine what can be done to discourage or drive him away. The remedies may include bathing in holy water, making animal sacrifices, and dressing in a color unpleasant to the rab. Unfortunately, these efforts do not always work, and an elaborate ritual called an ndepp may be necessary to exorcise the rab entirely. Mueller elaborates on the intersection of Islam and Lbou, as well as the effect that modernization, globalization, and the Internet might have on the future of the Lbou beliefs and traditions. Although Senegalese with financial means now turn to Western doctors for solutions to what they believe is rab spirit control, and some of the effects are cured, many continue to turn to healers because the rab spirit world is so strongly engrained in the Lbou culture. According to Mueller in "The Worst Lover: Boyfriend Spirits in Senegal," although there are many different types of rab, Madge-juenne, is known to be the most vicious and should be avoided at all costs.

Q: The Worst Lover: Boyfriend Spirits in Senegal RACHEL MUELLER Summary This article by Rachel Mueller details the unique coexistence and cooperation in modern Senegal of the Sufi sect of Islam, and Lbou, a religious cult that attributes inexplicable behavior, health issues, and adversity to troublesome spirits (rab) who intentionally interact and sometimes possess girls and women. According to Mueller, Senegal is a growing, cosmopolitan country filled with history and a tradition of great hospitality, or terenga. By all appearancesprayer mats in office buildings, posters and photos of Islamic holy men in the cities' taxis, and people in prayer five times a daySenegal, and in particular, Dakar, is filled with people who practice Islam. Sprinkled among the followers of Muhammad are individuals who adhere to a religious tradition that involves invisible spirits roaming the earth and interacting with humans, sometimes in an unpleasant and troublesome manner. Mueller details the reasons these spirits are unhappy, and relates tales of their efforts to possess young women who are beautiful and well dressed. Women and girls are encouraged to cover their knees in public (these are a particular weakness of the faru rab, the "boyfriend spirits" who possess and preoccupy girls and women) and dress conservatively, even while sleeping. Islam and Lbou intersect at times, namely when Islamic holy men are called upon to communicate with the spirits who bother women. Significantly, however, female healers and priestesses (called an ndeppkat) also play an important role in liaising with the spirit world. Both the Islamic holy men and the ndeppkat, Mueller explains, learn about the rab and determine what can be done to discourage or drive him away. The remedies may include bathing in holy water, making animal sacrifices, and dressing in a color unpleasant to the rab. Unfortunately, these efforts do not always work, and an elaborate ritual called an ndepp may be necessary to exorcise the rab entirely. Mueller elaborates on the intersection of Islam and Lbou, as well as the effect that modernization, globalization, and the Internet might have on the future of the Lbou beliefs and traditions. Although Senegalese with financial means now turn to Western doctors for solutions to what they believe is rab spirit control, and some of the effects are cured, many continue to turn to healers because the rab spirit world is so strongly engrained in the Lbou culture. According to Mueller in "The Worst Lover: Boyfriend Spirits in Senegal," the people of the Lbou district of Dakar believe that faru rab have the power to, among other things, prevent women from speaking, give them sexual dreams, and trigger infertility.

Q: When a religious specialist reads the cracks in the burned scapula (shoulder blade) of a sheep to predict future events, the act would be called a. divination. b. sorcery. c. magic. d. witchcraft.

Q: Religious specialists who mediate between people and the supernatural are called a. witches. b. shamans. c. diviners. d. priests.

Q: Stories about how the world came to be are called cosmology.

Q: If a person uses a powerful spell to hurt another individual, anthropologists would label him or her a witch.

Q: In "Illegal Economies and the Untold Story of Amputees," Nordstrom illustrates that the self-run, informal banking system that the women of Muleque developed wasa. based on stability, trust, and allegiance.b. regulated to ensure that a woman did not receive all of the money and then immediately leave the group.c. taxed and monitored by the government.d. unsuccessful in providing women with proceeds to invest in farming or other items.

Q: Illegal Economies and the Untold Story of the AmputeesCAROLYN NORDSTROMSummary Supporters of the use of land mines argue that they deter soldiers and protect sensitive areas during combat. Statistics show, however, that those most commonly injured by land mines are not soldiers, but instead children, women, and men engaged in nonmilitary activities. These mines leave their victims without limbs, often unable to walk, work, or eke out an existence in a part of the world where wheelchairs are nonexistent and life is incredibly hard, even for a healthy individual.The women of Muleque, Angola, who were injured by these land mines, at first developed informal economies in order to simply survive. But as Nordstrom points out, they wanted more than to merely exist. They formed their own informal banking systems, popular in Southern Africa, and with just a few pennies, managed to raise money to invest in farmland. Joining an informal bank group, according to Nordstrom, is the first step on the path that women follow out of poverty and into development. There are many steps, and the process is difficult. Women start with nothing; hard labor is the only way to raise the small amount needed to even join an informal bank group.According to Nordstrom's research, women are "the invisible center of gravity of society" in Southern Africa. A man's presence is fluid; a woman is always there. She makes the connections that create family, society, and community networks. Without the women, according to the author, families and societies collapse. With the women at the center, families succeed, and health, education, and trade result. The author notes that is interesting that the women's efforts and their contributions to development go unnoticed. According to figures from the United Nations, these informal economies contribute $250 billion annually in imports, and this money goes directly into the development of the country. Yet these women continue to be depicted by non-governmental organizations (NGOs) as stereotypical victims barely surviving by selling bananas and charcoal.According to Nordstrom in "Illegal Economies and the Untold Story of Amputees," the Muleque woman had friends in government, as well as in the mining and transport industries, who regularly took their wares on flights or trucks going across the country.

Q: Illegal Economies and the Untold Story of the AmputeesCAROLYN NORDSTROMSummary Supporters of the use of land mines argue that they deter soldiers and protect sensitive areas during combat. Statistics show, however, that those most commonly injured by land mines are not soldiers, but instead children, women, and men engaged in nonmilitary activities. These mines leave their victims without limbs, often unable to walk, work, or eke out an existence in a part of the world where wheelchairs are nonexistent and life is incredibly hard, even for a healthy individual.The women of Muleque, Angola, who were injured by these land mines, at first developed informal economies in order to simply survive. But as Nordstrom points out, they wanted more than to merely exist. They formed their own informal banking systems, popular in Southern Africa, and with just a few pennies, managed to raise money to invest in farmland. Joining an informal bank group, according to Nordstrom, is the first step on the path that women follow out of poverty and into development. There are many steps, and the process is difficult. Women start with nothing; hard labor is the only way to raise the small amount needed to even join an informal bank group.According to Nordstrom's research, women are "the invisible center of gravity of society" in Southern Africa. A man's presence is fluid; a woman is always there. She makes the connections that create family, society, and community networks. Without the women, according to the author, families and societies collapse. With the women at the center, families succeed, and health, education, and trade result. The author notes that is interesting that the women's efforts and their contributions to development go unnoticed. According to figures from the United Nations, these informal economies contribute $250 billion annually in imports, and this money goes directly into the development of the country. Yet these women continue to be depicted by non-governmental organizations (NGOs) as stereotypical victims barely surviving by selling bananas and charcoal.In "Illegal Economies and the Untold Story of Amputees," Carolyn Nordstrom argues that an informal economyone that is not taxed or monitored by the governmentis considered an extralegal network.

Q: When Eames was finally able to obtain her visa, it came through due to a. a Nigerian custom called dash. b. intervention by the American consulate. c. intervention by the Nigerian government. d. a Nigerian custom known as Long-Leg.

Q: Navigating Nigerian Bureaucracies ELIZABETH A. EAMES Summary In this article, Elizabeth A. Eames describes her experiences in Nigeria both from the perspective of an anthropologist and as an individual raised in the U.S. bureaucratic system. She shares the lessons she learned as she tried to decipher the rules of proper behavior, and concludes with a discussion of Max Weber's concept of patrimonial authority. Eames' experiences and frustrations with the Nigerian social system stemmed in part from her "American-ness," her belief in equal and efficient treatment for all. Much to her surprise, the social system in Nigeria operated on different principles: in Nigeria, rights are negotiable, bribery is a legitimate way of doing business, and power comes from being in a position to grant favors to others. The author's introduction to the intricacies of Nigerian society and how much it depends on interpersonal relations began before she ever set foot on Nigerian soil: a personal connection rescued her visa from the maze of paperwork at the New York consulate. At the time she had no idea how important the currency of favors and gratitude was to the social system, but quickly came to understand that these, along with hospitality and strong greeting skills, were the only way to accomplish anything in the patrimonial bureaucracy that operates in Nigeria today. Seemingly simple undertakings, such as getting immigration forms signed, registering as a graduate student, and extending her visatasks that were typically routine, impersonal, and efficient in a legally dominated bureaucracy such as in the United Stateswere time-consuming, confusing, and nowhere near routine. For some of these tasks, the simple act of describing the problem led from one contact to another, and eventually a resolution presented itself. As her network of contacts grew, so did her ability to get things done. Eames also learned the hard way that not allowing acquaintances to assist her had significant consequences; it was seen as a betrayal or a denial of a relationship. Everything in Nigeria, the author came to understand, was personal. The author describes Max Weber's ideals of legal and patrimonial domination, and articulates the six principles of patrimonial administration that Weber believed would eventually be replaced by bureaucracy. Eames disputes this claim. Because an individual's understanding of hierarchy is based on the relationship of infant and caretaker, Eames believes this creates a psychological need for personalized treatment when interacting with authority figures. This tendency causes individualseven in legal bureaucraciesto hope for personal treatment and resent impersonal, cold interactions. In Nigerian society, a personal relationship is required to begin a business transaction.

Q: Navigating Nigerian BureaucraciesELIZABETH A. EAMESSummary In this article, Elizabeth A. Eames describes her experiences in Nigeria both from the perspective of an anthropologist and as an individual raised in the U.S. bureaucratic system. She shares the lessons she learned as she tried to decipher the rules of proper behavior, and concludes with a discussion of Max Weber's concept of patrimonial authority.Eames' experiences and frustrations with the Nigerian social system stemmed in part from her "American-ness," her belief in equal and efficient treatment for all. Much to her surprise, the social system in Nigeria operated on different principles: in Nigeria, rights are negotiable, bribery is a legitimate way of doing business, and power comes from being in a position to grant favors to others.The author's introduction to the intricacies of Nigerian society and how much it depends on interpersonal relations began before she ever set foot on Nigerian soil: a personal connection rescued her visa from the maze of paperwork at the New York consulate. At the time she had no idea how important the currency of favors and gratitude was to the social system, but quickly came to understand that these, along with hospitality and strong greeting skills, were the only way to accomplish anything in the patrimonial bureaucracy that operates in Nigeria today. Seemingly simple undertakings, such as getting immigration forms signed, registering as a graduate student, and extending her visatasks that were typically routine, impersonal, and efficient in a legally dominated bureaucracy such as in the United Stateswere time-consuming, confusing, and nowhere near routine. For some of these tasks, the simple act of describing the problem led from one contact to another, and eventually a resolution presented itself. As her network of contacts grew, so did her ability to get things done. Eames also learned the hard way that not allowing acquaintances to assist her had significant consequences; it was seen as a betrayal or a denial of a relationship. Everything in Nigeria, the author came to understand, was personal.The author describes Max Weber's ideals of legal and patrimonial domination, and articulates the six principles of patrimonial administration that Weber believed would eventually be replaced by bureaucracy. Eames disputes this claim. Because an individual's understanding of hierarchy is based on the relationship of infant and caretaker, Eames believes this creates a psychological need for personalized treatment when interacting with authority figures. This tendency causes individualseven in legal bureaucraciesto hope for personal treatment and resent impersonal, cold interactions.In slash-and-burn agriculture, small pieces of land are cultivated for a few years until the soil is no longer fertile; then the piece of land is abandoned.

Q: Navigating Nigerian BureaucraciesELIZABETH A. EAMESSummary In this article, Elizabeth A. Eames describes her experiences in Nigeria both from the perspective of an anthropologist and as an individual raised in the U.S. bureaucratic system. She shares the lessons she learned as she tried to decipher the rules of proper behavior, and concludes with a discussion of Max Weber's concept of patrimonial authority.Eames' experiences and frustrations with the Nigerian social system stemmed in part from her "American-ness," her belief in equal and efficient treatment for all. Much to her surprise, the social system in Nigeria operated on different principles: in Nigeria, rights are negotiable, bribery is a legitimate way of doing business, and power comes from being in a position to grant favors to others.The author's introduction to the intricacies of Nigerian society and how much it depends on interpersonal relations began before she ever set foot on Nigerian soil: a personal connection rescued her visa from the maze of paperwork at the New York consulate. At the time she had no idea how important the currency of favors and gratitude was to the social system, but quickly came to understand that these, along with hospitality and strong greeting skills, were the only way to accomplish anything in the patrimonial bureaucracy that operates in Nigeria today. Seemingly simple undertakings, such as getting immigration forms signed, registering as a graduate student, and extending her visatasks that were typically routine, impersonal, and efficient in a legally dominated bureaucracy such as in the United Stateswere time-consuming, confusing, and nowhere near routine. For some of these tasks, the simple act of describing the problem led from one contact to another, and eventually a resolution presented itself. As her network of contacts grew, so did her ability to get things done. Eames also learned the hard way that not allowing acquaintances to assist her had significant consequences; it was seen as a betrayal or a denial of a relationship. Everything in Nigeria, the author came to understand, was personal.The author describes Max Weber's ideals of legal and patrimonial domination, and articulates the six principles of patrimonial administration that Weber believed would eventually be replaced by bureaucracy. Eames disputes this claim. Because an individual's understanding of hierarchy is based on the relationship of infant and caretaker, Eames believes this creates a psychological need for personalized treatment when interacting with authority figures. This tendency causes individualseven in legal bureaucraciesto hope for personal treatment and resent impersonal, cold interactions.In Nigerian society, the term begging refers to the act of asking strangers for money or food.

Q: According to Spradley and McCurdy in "Law and Order," the agreed upon way to settle disputes is called a. courts. b. legal principles. c. procedural law. d. substantive law.

Q: According to Spradley and McCurdy in "Law and Order," in the Zapotec village of Ralu"a two casesa flirtation of a married man and a son who took coffee from his father without permissionillustrate a. substantive law. b. procedural law. c. a legal principle. d. infralegal law.

Q: Law and Order JAMES P. SPRADLEY AND DAVID W. McCURDY Summary In this article, Spradley and McCurdy present law in the context of dispute resolution, using cases drawn from anthropologist Laura Nader's work in Ralu"a, a Zapotec Indian village located in southern Mexico. The article deals with several concepts: the structure of legal culture, including substantive law and procedural law, legal levels, legal principles, and cultural values. Substantive law consists of the legal statutes that define right and wrong. This is illustrated by the flirtation of a married man with an unmarried woman, which the Zapotec treat as a crime. Similarly, the case of a son who harvested coffee from his father's land without permission is also defined as a crime to be dealt with by the community's legal system. Legal levels refer to the ways in which disputes are settled by different kinds of authority agents. Among the Zapotec, several levels for settling disputes exist. Disputes can be settled by family elders, witches, local officials, the priest, supernatural beings, or officials in the municipio. If all else fails, the dispute can be taken to the district court in Villa Alta. Procedural law refers to the agreed-upon ways to settle disputes, which are often unwritten, and therefore implicit in nature. In Ralu"a, for example, it is generally agreed that one should not take family disputes to court, and disputes between villagers (such as an argument over the washing stone) should be taken to court only if they cannot be settled between the disputing individuals beforehand. In this case, the dispute was settled when the presidente (village chairman who also presides over the village court) and other elected village officials formed a work force, improved the washing facilities at the well, and declared that washing stones would no longer be owned by individuals. Legal systems reflect legal principles and cultural values. Legal principles are based on the fundamental values of a culture; a legal principle is a broad conception of some desirable state of affairs that gives rise to many substantive and procedural rules. Americans put great emphasis on establishing truth, while for the Zapotec, a major legal principle is to "make the balance." This means to encourage compromise and settlement so that disputes disappear and disputants get along with each other in the future. This in turn is based on the Zapotec cultural value of maintaining social equilibrium. A direct confrontation between individuals where one loses and another wins is unsettling to community members. According to Spradley and McCurdy in "Law and Order," the system of legal levels in the Zapotec village of Ralu"a means that disputes can only be settled by the presidente or principales.

Q: According to Sutherland in "The Case of an American Gypsy," officials in the American justice system oftena. view Gypsies as a criminal society.b. trump up evidence against Gypsies.c. deny Gypsy defendants their rights while they are in jail.d. get extensive training in Gypsy culture.

Q: The case of the Gypsy defendant described by Sutherland in "The Case of an American Gypsy" represents a good illustration of what happens when a. a foreign people takes advantage of a lenient judicial system. b. greedy lawyers misrepresent their non-American clients. c. anthropological testimony is misused in court. d. a normal practice for one group is a crime for another.

Q: According to Sutherland in "The Case of an American Gypsy," Gypsies treat Social Security numbers as a. unimportant, because they do not use Social Security. b. corporate property of their kin group, the vitsa. c. a way to defraud banks so that they can get illegal loans. d. a source of prestige, because they believe higher numbers bring greater success.

Q: According to Sutherland in "The Case of an American Gypsy," a young Gypsy man was indicted by the government for a. hiding his identity from authorities. b. stealing cars. c. using a relative's Social Security number. d. lying to authorities about his real American name.

Q: Cross-Cultural Law:The Case of an American Gypsy ANNE SUTHERLAND Summary This article by Anne Sutherland looks at what happens when members of one culture live under the legal jurisdiction of another. The article describes the case of a young Gypsy man accused of using someone else's Social Security number, and the role played by an anthropologist in his court defense. The young Gypsy male used the Social Security number of a five-year-old nephew to apply for a car loan. Gypsies believe that their vitsa (clan) has rights over property such as names and Social Security numbers, and that vitsa members can share in these things. Although he had no intention of stealing the car or defrauding anyone, the man was charged under a law that makes it a felony to use someone else's Social Security number. The police also concluded that he was part of a car theft ring. Sutherland became involved in the case as an expert witness for the defense. Her first act was to discover whether the young man was a Gypsy and what his name was. Gypsies take on many "American" names, which they change often. Their identities are more typically associated with their vitsa, or clan, and a larger grouping of clans called a natsia. During the trial she testified that the young man had no intention of defrauding or stealing from anyone. She noted that it was usual for members of vitsas to share American names, Social Security numbers, and other marks of identity. Despite her testimony, however, the defendant was convicted. Sutherland concludes her article with three points. First, Gypsies, who are a nomadic group, do not stress individual identities, which are so important to settled Americans. For hundreds of years the people and governments of the countries in which they live have persecuted Gypsies. She cites ample evidence that American police also consider them a criminal society. Hiding their identities has been their response to this persecution. Second, Gypsies suffer in jail to an unusual extent because they believe they are polluted there. Gypsies avoid long contact with non-Gypsies and their food because the latter pollute (marime) them. Their own relatives shun them if this happens, and they must go through a period of purification before reintegration into their own society. Third, there is a clash between the Gypsy view of membership in a corporate kin group and the usual American view of individual rights. In "The Case of an American Gypsy," Sutherland notes that the young Gypsy man she helped to defend in court refused to eat jail food, as a protest for not being allowed to call his relatives.

Q: According to anthropologists, all human disputes are dealt with by legal systems, not just ones that go to a formal court.

Q: When the members of a society permit two people to settle a dispute by fighting each other, we call their action self-redress and classify it as part of the legal system.

Q: Motorcycles, Membership, and Belonging DAVID W. McCURDY Summary In his article entitled "Motorcycles, Membership, and Belonging," David McCurdy discusses the ways humans form groups, identifying the more common ways for Americans and drawing a comparison between the traditional kinship group in rural India and the more American method of social aggregation based on shared interests. Indian families would be surprised, McCurdy suggests, to see how American families live in comparison to their own existence in large, close-knit groups of extended families. Americans grow up in small nuclear families, often with parents out working. Neighbors are often strangers, and people can appear lonely. American society values individualism, independence, and competition. However, McCurdy believes that Americans find satisfying social connections not from families and neighbors, but instead from other groups: networks of friends from local taverns, work organizations, and civic groups. He contends that these groups, as well as those formed around shared interests, provide members with a sense of self-worth and a safe place to express their social needs. To illustrate his argument, McCurdy describes the Gold Wing Recreational Rider Association (GWRRA), a group formed in 1976 by seven couples in Phoenix, Arizona, who owned Honda Gold Wing motorcycles and wanted to connect with others for the purposes of touring. Since then, this group has grown to include more than 70,000 members in the United States, Canada, and 10 other countries. It boasts a paid staff, an army of volunteers, 10 deputy directors, nine American and three Canadian regional directors, 49 district directors, and 586 chapter directors. It has an annual rally called the "Wing Ding" that draws over 10,000 participants. Local chapters gather for a variety of events, including monthly meetings, weekly rides, and fund-raisers. McCurdy argues that the core values of this organization reflect the values and symbolism of kinship groups and offer participants a framework of belonging and opportunities to express themselves. Participation in the GWRRA brings with it a certain expectation of behavior. Members show off their motorcycles, and are expected to have pride in their machines, cleaning and adorning them with chrome and other accents. Participation is encouraged and rewarded by pins and patches. Safety is of utmost importance, and members are discouraged from showing off, driving after drinking, and riding aggressively. Additionally, couples are a valued part of the group, and members are strongly encouraged to participate and tour with the group, despite the physical challenges of motorcycle riding. McCurdy concludes that belonging to a group of individuals who share an interest provides Americans with a feeling of belonging that many do not find at home or work. It offers the opportunity for personal recognition, a sense of self-worth, and a way to express themselves. For many, McCurdy argues, this organized group provides what he calls a "non-family home." The Gold Wing Road Riders Association was formed in 1976 by seven couples who lived in Phoenix, Arizona.

Q: Spaniards who convert to Islama. are required to legally change their status as a Spanish citizen to reflect this conversion.b. face little discrimination and are accepted throughout the country.c. endanger their social standing as recognized and respected members of Spanish society.d. are welcomed with open arms by Muslims who have immigrated to Spain from Muslim countries.

Q: When the author returned to Spain in 2008, Mara Martneza. had converted to Islam and was working with Muslims who were victims of religious discrimination.b. was still married but had retained her Catholic beliefs.c. had divorced her husband due to religious differences.d. still believed that an individual could not be both Spanish and Muslim.

Q: When the author first met Mara Martnez in 2006, she had married a Jordanian man and a. planned to convert to Islam. b. had given up wine, pork, and beer in preparation of converting to Islam. c. had converted to Islam prior to marriage. d. could not imagine a Spanish woman converting to Islam.

Q: In "Negotiating Work and Family in America," Shandy and Moe note that no longer holding a high-ranking job is a problem for a woman's prestige. What can a woman do to retain prestige when she spends all her time at home? a. note what her high prestige jobs had been b. argue that being a stay-at-home mom is actually more important c. note that she and her husband could not afford nannies d. maintain a very clean and well appointed home

Q: According to Shandy and Moe in "Negotiating Work and Family in America," factors that pull women to resign from work and return to home full time include three of the following. Which one do they not mention? a. being with their children b. lower stress c. sense of responsibility d. a biological imperative

Q: __________ is the only industrialized country that fails to provide paid leave for new mothers.a. Swedenb. United Statesc. Papua New Guinead. Lesotho