Anthropology

Q: Public Interest Ethnography: Women's Prisons and Health Care in California RACHAEL STRYKER Summary In this article, Rachael Stryker describes how ethnography can be used to affect public policy. With government sponsorship, she and a group of her undergraduate students interviewed a number of inmates incarcerated in two California state prisons for women. Their goal was to learn about the provision of health care from the prisoner's perspective. Armed with the "insider's" point of view, they produced recommendations for changes, some of which were adopted by prison authorities. Public interest ethnography (a branch of applied anthropology) involves ethnographic research among people who are affected by policy. It brings a human face to the impact of policy and often seeks to empower those affected by it. The study of health care provided in California's women's prisons is a good example. The researchers discovered that to receive care, an inmate had to fill out a request, pay a five-dollar copay, receive a ducat (something like a hall pass), and then see one of three people: an MTA (medically trained correctional guard), a nurse, or a doctor. The process could take weeks and was complicated by the fact that inmates had little money, were often treated by unqualified health providers, and were frustrated by an inability to speak English (many inmates spoke only Spanish). Inmates often feared medical procedures and felt that doctors treated them with disrespect. They also told about instances of sexual harassment. Other factors related to inmate health included poor sanitation caused by overcrowded cells, and lack of cleaning and personal hygiene supplies. AIDS patients were housed in the general inmate population. Food was also a problem, especially for diabetics and those with food allergies. Finally, inmates did not get enough exercise. Inmates often responded to these problems by treating themselves or ignoring symptoms. The ethnographic study produced a list of recommendations. It advised the state to simplify the process required of inmates to receive health care, reduce or eliminate the copay because inmates had little money, eliminate the MTA position, hire more qualified nurses and doctors, provide translators, reduce overcrowding, and improve nutrition and sanitation. In response to these recommendations the state increased translation services, eliminated the MTA position, and started a process to reduce overcrowding. Other recommendations were taken under advisement. As indicated in "Ethnography in the Public Interest," the ethnographic project Stryker directed recommended that prisons should eliminate the medically trained guard (MTA) position.

Q: Public Interest Ethnography: Women's Prisons and Health Care in California RACHAEL STRYKER Summary In this article, Rachael Stryker describes how ethnography can be used to affect public policy. With government sponsorship, she and a group of her undergraduate students interviewed a number of inmates incarcerated in two California state prisons for women. Their goal was to learn about the provision of health care from the prisoner's perspective. Armed with the "insider's" point of view, they produced recommendations for changes, some of which were adopted by prison authorities. Public interest ethnography (a branch of applied anthropology) involves ethnographic research among people who are affected by policy. It brings a human face to the impact of policy and often seeks to empower those affected by it. The study of health care provided in California's women's prisons is a good example. The researchers discovered that to receive care, an inmate had to fill out a request, pay a five-dollar copay, receive a ducat (something like a hall pass), and then see one of three people: an MTA (medically trained correctional guard), a nurse, or a doctor. The process could take weeks and was complicated by the fact that inmates had little money, were often treated by unqualified health providers, and were frustrated by an inability to speak English (many inmates spoke only Spanish). Inmates often feared medical procedures and felt that doctors treated them with disrespect. They also told about instances of sexual harassment. Other factors related to inmate health included poor sanitation caused by overcrowded cells, and lack of cleaning and personal hygiene supplies. AIDS patients were housed in the general inmate population. Food was also a problem, especially for diabetics and those with food allergies. Finally, inmates did not get enough exercise. Inmates often responded to these problems by treating themselves or ignoring symptoms. The ethnographic study produced a list of recommendations. It advised the state to simplify the process required of inmates to receive health care, reduce or eliminate the copay because inmates had little money, eliminate the MTA position, hire more qualified nurses and doctors, provide translators, reduce overcrowding, and improve nutrition and sanitation. In response to these recommendations the state increased translation services, eliminated the MTA position, and started a process to reduce overcrowding. Other recommendations were taken under advisement. As indicated in "Ethnography in the Public Interest," Stryker knew of female inmates in two California prisons who sometimes faked ailments to receive medical treatment faster.

Q: Public Interest Ethnography: Women's Prisons and Health Care in California RACHAEL STRYKER Summary In this article, Rachael Stryker describes how ethnography can be used to affect public policy. With government sponsorship, she and a group of her undergraduate students interviewed a number of inmates incarcerated in two California state prisons for women. Their goal was to learn about the provision of health care from the prisoner's perspective. Armed with the "insider's" point of view, they produced recommendations for changes, some of which were adopted by prison authorities. Public interest ethnography (a branch of applied anthropology) involves ethnographic research among people who are affected by policy. It brings a human face to the impact of policy and often seeks to empower those affected by it. The study of health care provided in California's women's prisons is a good example. The researchers discovered that to receive care, an inmate had to fill out a request, pay a five-dollar copay, receive a ducat (something like a hall pass), and then see one of three people: an MTA (medically trained correctional guard), a nurse, or a doctor. The process could take weeks and was complicated by the fact that inmates had little money, were often treated by unqualified health providers, and were frustrated by an inability to speak English (many inmates spoke only Spanish). Inmates often feared medical procedures and felt that doctors treated them with disrespect. They also told about instances of sexual harassment. Other factors related to inmate health included poor sanitation caused by overcrowded cells, and lack of cleaning and personal hygiene supplies. AIDS patients were housed in the general inmate population. Food was also a problem, especially for diabetics and those with food allergies. Finally, inmates did not get enough exercise. Inmates often responded to these problems by treating themselves or ignoring symptoms. The ethnographic study produced a list of recommendations. It advised the state to simplify the process required of inmates to receive health care, reduce or eliminate the copay because inmates had little money, eliminate the MTA position, hire more qualified nurses and doctors, provide translators, reduce overcrowding, and improve nutrition and sanitation. In response to these recommendations the state increased translation services, eliminated the MTA position, and started a process to reduce overcrowding. Other recommendations were taken under advisement. According to Stryker in "Ethnography in the Public Interest," female inmates at two California prisons often avoided seeking treatment for their ailments, because getting an appointment with a health care provider took so long and many inmates could not afford the required copay.

Q: Public Interest Ethnography: Women's Prisons and Health Care in California RACHAEL STRYKER Summary In this article, Rachael Stryker describes how ethnography can be used to affect public policy. With government sponsorship, she and a group of her undergraduate students interviewed a number of inmates incarcerated in two California state prisons for women. Their goal was to learn about the provision of health care from the prisoner's perspective. Armed with the "insider's" point of view, they produced recommendations for changes, some of which were adopted by prison authorities. Public interest ethnography (a branch of applied anthropology) involves ethnographic research among people who are affected by policy. It brings a human face to the impact of policy and often seeks to empower those affected by it. The study of health care provided in California's women's prisons is a good example. The researchers discovered that to receive care, an inmate had to fill out a request, pay a five-dollar copay, receive a ducat (something like a hall pass), and then see one of three people: an MTA (medically trained correctional guard), a nurse, or a doctor. The process could take weeks and was complicated by the fact that inmates had little money, were often treated by unqualified health providers, and were frustrated by an inability to speak English (many inmates spoke only Spanish). Inmates often feared medical procedures and felt that doctors treated them with disrespect. They also told about instances of sexual harassment. Other factors related to inmate health included poor sanitation caused by overcrowded cells, and lack of cleaning and personal hygiene supplies. AIDS patients were housed in the general inmate population. Food was also a problem, especially for diabetics and those with food allergies. Finally, inmates did not get enough exercise. Inmates often responded to these problems by treating themselves or ignoring symptoms. The ethnographic study produced a list of recommendations. It advised the state to simplify the process required of inmates to receive health care, reduce or eliminate the copay because inmates had little money, eliminate the MTA position, hire more qualified nurses and doctors, provide translators, reduce overcrowding, and improve nutrition and sanitation. In response to these recommendations the state increased translation services, eliminated the MTA position, and started a process to reduce overcrowding. Other recommendations were taken under advisement. In "Ethnography in the Public Interest," Stryker admits that the Women's Prison Healthcare Project she directed unfortunately failed to produce actionable recommendations.

Q: Public Interest Ethnography: Women's Prisons and Health Care in California RACHAEL STRYKER Summary In this article, Rachael Stryker describes how ethnography can be used to affect public policy. With government sponsorship, she and a group of her undergraduate students interviewed a number of inmates incarcerated in two California state prisons for women. Their goal was to learn about the provision of health care from the prisoner's perspective. Armed with the "insider's" point of view, they produced recommendations for changes, some of which were adopted by prison authorities. Public interest ethnography (a branch of applied anthropology) involves ethnographic research among people who are affected by policy. It brings a human face to the impact of policy and often seeks to empower those affected by it. The study of health care provided in California's women's prisons is a good example. The researchers discovered that to receive care, an inmate had to fill out a request, pay a five-dollar copay, receive a ducat (something like a hall pass), and then see one of three people: an MTA (medically trained correctional guard), a nurse, or a doctor. The process could take weeks and was complicated by the fact that inmates had little money, were often treated by unqualified health providers, and were frustrated by an inability to speak English (many inmates spoke only Spanish). Inmates often feared medical procedures and felt that doctors treated them with disrespect. They also told about instances of sexual harassment. Other factors related to inmate health included poor sanitation caused by overcrowded cells, and lack of cleaning and personal hygiene supplies. AIDS patients were housed in the general inmate population. Food was also a problem, especially for diabetics and those with food allergies. Finally, inmates did not get enough exercise. Inmates often responded to these problems by treating themselves or ignoring symptoms. The ethnographic study produced a list of recommendations. It advised the state to simplify the process required of inmates to receive health care, reduce or eliminate the copay because inmates had little money, eliminate the MTA position, hire more qualified nurses and doctors, provide translators, reduce overcrowding, and improve nutrition and sanitation. In response to these recommendations the state increased translation services, eliminated the MTA position, and started a process to reduce overcrowding. Other recommendations were taken under advisement. In "Ethnography in the Public Interest," Stryker reports that a Latina inmate named Nicole was subdued, stripped naked, and incarcerated separately when she experienced complications related to a medication she was taking.

Q: Public Interest Ethnography: Women's Prisons and Health Care in California RACHAEL STRYKER Summary In this article, Rachael Stryker describes how ethnography can be used to affect public policy. With government sponsorship, she and a group of her undergraduate students interviewed a number of inmates incarcerated in two California state prisons for women. Their goal was to learn about the provision of health care from the prisoner's perspective. Armed with the "insider's" point of view, they produced recommendations for changes, some of which were adopted by prison authorities. Public interest ethnography (a branch of applied anthropology) involves ethnographic research among people who are affected by policy. It brings a human face to the impact of policy and often seeks to empower those affected by it. The study of health care provided in California's women's prisons is a good example. The researchers discovered that to receive care, an inmate had to fill out a request, pay a five-dollar copay, receive a ducat (something like a hall pass), and then see one of three people: an MTA (medically trained correctional guard), a nurse, or a doctor. The process could take weeks and was complicated by the fact that inmates had little money, were often treated by unqualified health providers, and were frustrated by an inability to speak English (many inmates spoke only Spanish). Inmates often feared medical procedures and felt that doctors treated them with disrespect. They also told about instances of sexual harassment. Other factors related to inmate health included poor sanitation caused by overcrowded cells, and lack of cleaning and personal hygiene supplies. AIDS patients were housed in the general inmate population. Food was also a problem, especially for diabetics and those with food allergies. Finally, inmates did not get enough exercise. Inmates often responded to these problems by treating themselves or ignoring symptoms. The ethnographic study produced a list of recommendations. It advised the state to simplify the process required of inmates to receive health care, reduce or eliminate the copay because inmates had little money, eliminate the MTA position, hire more qualified nurses and doctors, provide translators, reduce overcrowding, and improve nutrition and sanitation. In response to these recommendations the state increased translation services, eliminated the MTA position, and started a process to reduce overcrowding. Other recommendations were taken under advisement. According to Stryker in "Ethnography in the Public Interest," public interest ethnography is aimed at redistribution of wealth in the United States.

Q: Public Interest Ethnography: Women's Prisons and Health Care in California RACHAEL STRYKER Summary In this article, Rachael Stryker describes how ethnography can be used to affect public policy. With government sponsorship, she and a group of her undergraduate students interviewed a number of inmates incarcerated in two California state prisons for women. Their goal was to learn about the provision of health care from the prisoner's perspective. Armed with the "insider's" point of view, they produced recommendations for changes, some of which were adopted by prison authorities. Public interest ethnography (a branch of applied anthropology) involves ethnographic research among people who are affected by policy. It brings a human face to the impact of policy and often seeks to empower those affected by it. The study of health care provided in California's women's prisons is a good example. The researchers discovered that to receive care, an inmate had to fill out a request, pay a five-dollar copay, receive a ducat (something like a hall pass), and then see one of three people: an MTA (medically trained correctional guard), a nurse, or a doctor. The process could take weeks and was complicated by the fact that inmates had little money, were often treated by unqualified health providers, and were frustrated by an inability to speak English (many inmates spoke only Spanish). Inmates often feared medical procedures and felt that doctors treated them with disrespect. They also told about instances of sexual harassment. Other factors related to inmate health included poor sanitation caused by overcrowded cells, and lack of cleaning and personal hygiene supplies. AIDS patients were housed in the general inmate population. Food was also a problem, especially for diabetics and those with food allergies. Finally, inmates did not get enough exercise. Inmates often responded to these problems by treating themselves or ignoring symptoms. The ethnographic study produced a list of recommendations. It advised the state to simplify the process required of inmates to receive health care, reduce or eliminate the copay because inmates had little money, eliminate the MTA position, hire more qualified nurses and doctors, provide translators, reduce overcrowding, and improve nutrition and sanitation. In response to these recommendations the state increased translation services, eliminated the MTA position, and started a process to reduce overcrowding. Other recommendations were taken under advisement. As Stryker contends in "Ethnography in the Public Interest," public interest ethnography may achieve a redistribution of power that includes those affected by policy.

Q: Public Interest Ethnography: Women's Prisons and Health Care in California RACHAEL STRYKER Summary In this article, Rachael Stryker describes how ethnography can be used to affect public policy. With government sponsorship, she and a group of her undergraduate students interviewed a number of inmates incarcerated in two California state prisons for women. Their goal was to learn about the provision of health care from the prisoner's perspective. Armed with the "insider's" point of view, they produced recommendations for changes, some of which were adopted by prison authorities. Public interest ethnography (a branch of applied anthropology) involves ethnographic research among people who are affected by policy. It brings a human face to the impact of policy and often seeks to empower those affected by it. The study of health care provided in California's women's prisons is a good example. The researchers discovered that to receive care, an inmate had to fill out a request, pay a five-dollar copay, receive a ducat (something like a hall pass), and then see one of three people: an MTA (medically trained correctional guard), a nurse, or a doctor. The process could take weeks and was complicated by the fact that inmates had little money, were often treated by unqualified health providers, and were frustrated by an inability to speak English (many inmates spoke only Spanish). Inmates often feared medical procedures and felt that doctors treated them with disrespect. They also told about instances of sexual harassment. Other factors related to inmate health included poor sanitation caused by overcrowded cells, and lack of cleaning and personal hygiene supplies. AIDS patients were housed in the general inmate population. Food was also a problem, especially for diabetics and those with food allergies. Finally, inmates did not get enough exercise. Inmates often responded to these problems by treating themselves or ignoring symptoms. The ethnographic study produced a list of recommendations. It advised the state to simplify the process required of inmates to receive health care, reduce or eliminate the copay because inmates had little money, eliminate the MTA position, hire more qualified nurses and doctors, provide translators, reduce overcrowding, and improve nutrition and sanitation. In response to these recommendations the state increased translation services, eliminated the MTA position, and started a process to reduce overcrowding. Other recommendations were taken under advisement. In "Ethnography in the Public Interest," Stryker notes that public interest ethnography involves fieldwork among policy makers.

Q: Public Interest Ethnography: Women's Prisons and Health Care in California RACHAEL STRYKER Summary In this article, Rachael Stryker describes how ethnography can be used to affect public policy. With government sponsorship, she and a group of her undergraduate students interviewed a number of inmates incarcerated in two California state prisons for women. Their goal was to learn about the provision of health care from the prisoner's perspective. Armed with the "insider's" point of view, they produced recommendations for changes, some of which were adopted by prison authorities. Public interest ethnography (a branch of applied anthropology) involves ethnographic research among people who are affected by policy. It brings a human face to the impact of policy and often seeks to empower those affected by it. The study of health care provided in California's women's prisons is a good example. The researchers discovered that to receive care, an inmate had to fill out a request, pay a five-dollar copay, receive a ducat (something like a hall pass), and then see one of three people: an MTA (medically trained correctional guard), a nurse, or a doctor. The process could take weeks and was complicated by the fact that inmates had little money, were often treated by unqualified health providers, and were frustrated by an inability to speak English (many inmates spoke only Spanish). Inmates often feared medical procedures and felt that doctors treated them with disrespect. They also told about instances of sexual harassment. Other factors related to inmate health included poor sanitation caused by overcrowded cells, and lack of cleaning and personal hygiene supplies. AIDS patients were housed in the general inmate population. Food was also a problem, especially for diabetics and those with food allergies. Finally, inmates did not get enough exercise. Inmates often responded to these problems by treating themselves or ignoring symptoms. The ethnographic study produced a list of recommendations. It advised the state to simplify the process required of inmates to receive health care, reduce or eliminate the copay because inmates had little money, eliminate the MTA position, hire more qualified nurses and doctors, provide translators, reduce overcrowding, and improve nutrition and sanitation. In response to these recommendations the state increased translation services, eliminated the MTA position, and started a process to reduce overcrowding. Other recommendations were taken under advisement. According to Stryker in "Ethnography in the Public Interest," public interest ethnography looks at public policy from the perspective of those who are affected by it.

Q: Medical Anthropology: Improving Nutrition in Malawi SONIA PATTEN Summary In this article, anthropologist Sonia Patten describes her experience as an anthropologist on a team of researchers working to improve infant and child nutrition in rural Malawi, a small nation in Africa. She and colleagues from two American universities, under the auspices of the University Development Linkages Program, worked with faculty from a college in the University of Malawi system to develop and implement a program addressing the mortality rate for children, a rate that at the time was very nearly one in four. Patten and her team members developed a plan to provide milk-producing goats to the women of the villages, teach them how to care for and raise the animals, and show them how to incorporate the protein- and calorie-rich milk into recipes that they could feed their malnourished children. The team met with village leaders and elders to convince them to allow women to own the goats, explain how the plan would work, and ensure them that this was a worthwhile effort to help combat the malnutrition their children faced. Once convinced, researchers identified villages that would be the best candidates for this social researchthose with an animal-theft problem were considered too problematic to include in the project. A baseline survey of households that included children under five was conducted, while scientists from the research team crossbred goats with the necessary characteristics on a local Malawi farm. Eventually women were provided with a goat and the basic toolsa bucket, a measuring cup, and a panto get started. Local members of the research team taught the women how to incorporate the goat's milk into their children's food and made weekly visits to villages to weigh and measure the children. The children, even those who were receiving even small amounts of goat's milk, all showed steady height and weight gains, at least for a time. The project continued to address food insecurity problems and issues that arose from the goat-raising efforts. The researchers taught the women how to plant, grow, and process soybeans into flour that they could use when no goat's milk was available. All of their efforts were sustainablewomen were asked to return their first baby goat to the researchers and 5 kg of seed after the first harvest. The research team's efforts worked within the culture of the Malawi, incorporated indigenous resources, and were conducted in the native language of the villagers. The author concludes that the project was highly valued by rural women, as evidenced by the number who wanted to participate. It proved that the addition of goat's milk to a child's diet was valuable, and the success of the project is noted by similar projects that were introduced by Malawi nongovernmental organizations. Additionally, Patten elaborates on the importance of having an anthropologist on a research team, and identifies her role and responsibilities. Her expertise proved valuable to the acceptance of the project and the high level of participation by the Malawian villagers. According to Patten in "Medical Anthropology: Improving Nutrition in Malawi," the UDLP team undertook a plan to try teaching Malawi women how to incorporate cow's milk into the gruel fed to babies and children, to get more protein and calories into their diet.

Q: Medical Anthropology: Improving Nutrition in Malawi SONIA PATTEN Summary In this article, anthropologist Sonia Patten describes her experience as an anthropologist on a team of researchers working to improve infant and child nutrition in rural Malawi, a small nation in Africa. She and colleagues from two American universities, under the auspices of the University Development Linkages Program, worked with faculty from a college in the University of Malawi system to develop and implement a program addressing the mortality rate for children, a rate that at the time was very nearly one in four. Patten and her team members developed a plan to provide milk-producing goats to the women of the villages, teach them how to care for and raise the animals, and show them how to incorporate the protein- and calorie-rich milk into recipes that they could feed their malnourished children. The team met with village leaders and elders to convince them to allow women to own the goats, explain how the plan would work, and ensure them that this was a worthwhile effort to help combat the malnutrition their children faced. Once convinced, researchers identified villages that would be the best candidates for this social researchthose with an animal-theft problem were considered too problematic to include in the project. A baseline survey of households that included children under five was conducted, while scientists from the research team crossbred goats with the necessary characteristics on a local Malawi farm. Eventually women were provided with a goat and the basic toolsa bucket, a measuring cup, and a panto get started. Local members of the research team taught the women how to incorporate the goat's milk into their children's food and made weekly visits to villages to weigh and measure the children. The children, even those who were receiving even small amounts of goat's milk, all showed steady height and weight gains, at least for a time. The project continued to address food insecurity problems and issues that arose from the goat-raising efforts. The researchers taught the women how to plant, grow, and process soybeans into flour that they could use when no goat's milk was available. All of their efforts were sustainablewomen were asked to return their first baby goat to the researchers and 5 kg of seed after the first harvest. The research team's efforts worked within the culture of the Malawi, incorporated indigenous resources, and were conducted in the native language of the villagers. The author concludes that the project was highly valued by rural women, as evidenced by the number who wanted to participate. It proved that the addition of goat's milk to a child's diet was valuable, and the success of the project is noted by similar projects that were introduced by Malawi nongovernmental organizations. Additionally, Patten elaborates on the importance of having an anthropologist on a research team, and identifies her role and responsibilities. Her expertise proved valuable to the acceptance of the project and the high level of participation by the Malawian villagers. In Malawi, babies are breastfed for only six months before mothers begin to wean them onto a gruel made from water and rice flour.

Q: Medical Anthropology: Improving Nutrition in Malawi SONIA PATTEN Summary In this article, anthropologist Sonia Patten describes her experience as an anthropologist on a team of researchers working to improve infant and child nutrition in rural Malawi, a small nation in Africa. She and colleagues from two American universities, under the auspices of the University Development Linkages Program, worked with faculty from a college in the University of Malawi system to develop and implement a program addressing the mortality rate for children, a rate that at the time was very nearly one in four. Patten and her team members developed a plan to provide milk-producing goats to the women of the villages, teach them how to care for and raise the animals, and show them how to incorporate the protein- and calorie-rich milk into recipes that they could feed their malnourished children. The team met with village leaders and elders to convince them to allow women to own the goats, explain how the plan would work, and ensure them that this was a worthwhile effort to help combat the malnutrition their children faced. Once convinced, researchers identified villages that would be the best candidates for this social researchthose with an animal-theft problem were considered too problematic to include in the project. A baseline survey of households that included children under five was conducted, while scientists from the research team crossbred goats with the necessary characteristics on a local Malawi farm. Eventually women were provided with a goat and the basic toolsa bucket, a measuring cup, and a panto get started. Local members of the research team taught the women how to incorporate the goat's milk into their children's food and made weekly visits to villages to weigh and measure the children. The children, even those who were receiving even small amounts of goat's milk, all showed steady height and weight gains, at least for a time. The project continued to address food insecurity problems and issues that arose from the goat-raising efforts. The researchers taught the women how to plant, grow, and process soybeans into flour that they could use when no goat's milk was available. All of their efforts were sustainablewomen were asked to return their first baby goat to the researchers and 5 kg of seed after the first harvest. The research team's efforts worked within the culture of the Malawi, incorporated indigenous resources, and were conducted in the native language of the villagers. The author concludes that the project was highly valued by rural women, as evidenced by the number who wanted to participate. It proved that the addition of goat's milk to a child's diet was valuable, and the success of the project is noted by similar projects that were introduced by Malawi nongovernmental organizations. Additionally, Patten elaborates on the importance of having an anthropologist on a research team, and identifies her role and responsibilities. Her expertise proved valuable to the acceptance of the project and the high level of participation by the Malawian villagers. Child undernourishment in Malawi is a major problem, with a mortality rate for children under five of 24 percent, or very nearly one in four.

Q: Medical Anthropology: Improving Nutrition in Malawi SONIA PATTEN Summary In this article, anthropologist Sonia Patten describes her experience as an anthropologist on a team of researchers working to improve infant and child nutrition in rural Malawi, a small nation in Africa. She and colleagues from two American universities, under the auspices of the University Development Linkages Program, worked with faculty from a college in the University of Malawi system to develop and implement a program addressing the mortality rate for children, a rate that at the time was very nearly one in four. Patten and her team members developed a plan to provide milk-producing goats to the women of the villages, teach them how to care for and raise the animals, and show them how to incorporate the protein- and calorie-rich milk into recipes that they could feed their malnourished children. The team met with village leaders and elders to convince them to allow women to own the goats, explain how the plan would work, and ensure them that this was a worthwhile effort to help combat the malnutrition their children faced. Once convinced, researchers identified villages that would be the best candidates for this social researchthose with an animal-theft problem were considered too problematic to include in the project. A baseline survey of households that included children under five was conducted, while scientists from the research team crossbred goats with the necessary characteristics on a local Malawi farm. Eventually women were provided with a goat and the basic toolsa bucket, a measuring cup, and a panto get started. Local members of the research team taught the women how to incorporate the goat's milk into their children's food and made weekly visits to villages to weigh and measure the children. The children, even those who were receiving even small amounts of goat's milk, all showed steady height and weight gains, at least for a time. The project continued to address food insecurity problems and issues that arose from the goat-raising efforts. The researchers taught the women how to plant, grow, and process soybeans into flour that they could use when no goat's milk was available. All of their efforts were sustainablewomen were asked to return their first baby goat to the researchers and 5 kg of seed after the first harvest. The research team's efforts worked within the culture of the Malawi, incorporated indigenous resources, and were conducted in the native language of the villagers. The author concludes that the project was highly valued by rural women, as evidenced by the number who wanted to participate. It proved that the addition of goat's milk to a child's diet was valuable, and the success of the project is noted by similar projects that were introduced by Malawi nongovernmental organizations. Additionally, Patten elaborates on the importance of having an anthropologist on a research team, and identifies her role and responsibilities. Her expertise proved valuable to the acceptance of the project and the high level of participation by the Malawian villagers. Applied medical anthropology focuses on the biomedical studies of human adaptations to disease.

Q: Medical Anthropology: Improving Nutrition in Malawi SONIA PATTEN Summary In this article, anthropologist Sonia Patten describes her experience as an anthropologist on a team of researchers working to improve infant and child nutrition in rural Malawi, a small nation in Africa. She and colleagues from two American universities, under the auspices of the University Development Linkages Program, worked with faculty from a college in the University of Malawi system to develop and implement a program addressing the mortality rate for children, a rate that at the time was very nearly one in four. Patten and her team members developed a plan to provide milk-producing goats to the women of the villages, teach them how to care for and raise the animals, and show them how to incorporate the protein- and calorie-rich milk into recipes that they could feed their malnourished children. The team met with village leaders and elders to convince them to allow women to own the goats, explain how the plan would work, and ensure them that this was a worthwhile effort to help combat the malnutrition their children faced. Once convinced, researchers identified villages that would be the best candidates for this social researchthose with an animal-theft problem were considered too problematic to include in the project. A baseline survey of households that included children under five was conducted, while scientists from the research team crossbred goats with the necessary characteristics on a local Malawi farm. Eventually women were provided with a goat and the basic toolsa bucket, a measuring cup, and a panto get started. Local members of the research team taught the women how to incorporate the goat's milk into their children's food and made weekly visits to villages to weigh and measure the children. The children, even those who were receiving even small amounts of goat's milk, all showed steady height and weight gains, at least for a time. The project continued to address food insecurity problems and issues that arose from the goat-raising efforts. The researchers taught the women how to plant, grow, and process soybeans into flour that they could use when no goat's milk was available. All of their efforts were sustainablewomen were asked to return their first baby goat to the researchers and 5 kg of seed after the first harvest. The research team's efforts worked within the culture of the Malawi, incorporated indigenous resources, and were conducted in the native language of the villagers. The author concludes that the project was highly valued by rural women, as evidenced by the number who wanted to participate. It proved that the addition of goat's milk to a child's diet was valuable, and the success of the project is noted by similar projects that were introduced by Malawi nongovernmental organizations. Additionally, Patten elaborates on the importance of having an anthropologist on a research team, and identifies her role and responsibilities. Her expertise proved valuable to the acceptance of the project and the high level of participation by the Malawian villagers. Medical anthropology can be defined as the study of human health in a variety of cultural and environmental contexts.

Q: Medical Anthropology: Improving Nutrition in Malawi SONIA PATTEN Summary In this article, anthropologist Sonia Patten describes her experience as an anthropologist on a team of researchers working to improve infant and child nutrition in rural Malawi, a small nation in Africa. She and colleagues from two American universities, under the auspices of the University Development Linkages Program, worked with faculty from a college in the University of Malawi system to develop and implement a program addressing the mortality rate for children, a rate that at the time was very nearly one in four. Patten and her team members developed a plan to provide milk-producing goats to the women of the villages, teach them how to care for and raise the animals, and show them how to incorporate the protein- and calorie-rich milk into recipes that they could feed their malnourished children. The team met with village leaders and elders to convince them to allow women to own the goats, explain how the plan would work, and ensure them that this was a worthwhile effort to help combat the malnutrition their children faced. Once convinced, researchers identified villages that would be the best candidates for this social researchthose with an animal-theft problem were considered too problematic to include in the project. A baseline survey of households that included children under five was conducted, while scientists from the research team crossbred goats with the necessary characteristics on a local Malawi farm. Eventually women were provided with a goat and the basic toolsa bucket, a measuring cup, and a panto get started. Local members of the research team taught the women how to incorporate the goat's milk into their children's food and made weekly visits to villages to weigh and measure the children. The children, even those who were receiving even small amounts of goat's milk, all showed steady height and weight gains, at least for a time. The project continued to address food insecurity problems and issues that arose from the goat-raising efforts. The researchers taught the women how to plant, grow, and process soybeans into flour that they could use when no goat's milk was available. All of their efforts were sustainablewomen were asked to return their first baby goat to the researchers and 5 kg of seed after the first harvest. The research team's efforts worked within the culture of the Malawi, incorporated indigenous resources, and were conducted in the native language of the villagers. The author concludes that the project was highly valued by rural women, as evidenced by the number who wanted to participate. It proved that the addition of goat's milk to a child's diet was valuable, and the success of the project is noted by similar projects that were introduced by Malawi nongovernmental organizations. Additionally, Patten elaborates on the importance of having an anthropologist on a research team, and identifies her role and responsibilities. Her expertise proved valuable to the acceptance of the project and the high level of participation by the Malawian villagers. The length of the "hungry season" in Malawi has decreased in recent years.

Q: Medical Anthropology: Improving Nutrition in Malawi SONIA PATTEN Summary In this article, anthropologist Sonia Patten describes her experience as an anthropologist on a team of researchers working to improve infant and child nutrition in rural Malawi, a small nation in Africa. She and colleagues from two American universities, under the auspices of the University Development Linkages Program, worked with faculty from a college in the University of Malawi system to develop and implement a program addressing the mortality rate for children, a rate that at the time was very nearly one in four. Patten and her team members developed a plan to provide milk-producing goats to the women of the villages, teach them how to care for and raise the animals, and show them how to incorporate the protein- and calorie-rich milk into recipes that they could feed their malnourished children. The team met with village leaders and elders to convince them to allow women to own the goats, explain how the plan would work, and ensure them that this was a worthwhile effort to help combat the malnutrition their children faced. Once convinced, researchers identified villages that would be the best candidates for this social researchthose with an animal-theft problem were considered too problematic to include in the project. A baseline survey of households that included children under five was conducted, while scientists from the research team crossbred goats with the necessary characteristics on a local Malawi farm. Eventually women were provided with a goat and the basic toolsa bucket, a measuring cup, and a panto get started. Local members of the research team taught the women how to incorporate the goat's milk into their children's food and made weekly visits to villages to weigh and measure the children. The children, even those who were receiving even small amounts of goat's milk, all showed steady height and weight gains, at least for a time. The project continued to address food insecurity problems and issues that arose from the goat-raising efforts. The researchers taught the women how to plant, grow, and process soybeans into flour that they could use when no goat's milk was available. All of their efforts were sustainablewomen were asked to return their first baby goat to the researchers and 5 kg of seed after the first harvest. The research team's efforts worked within the culture of the Malawi, incorporated indigenous resources, and were conducted in the native language of the villagers. The author concludes that the project was highly valued by rural women, as evidenced by the number who wanted to participate. It proved that the addition of goat's milk to a child's diet was valuable, and the success of the project is noted by similar projects that were introduced by Malawi nongovernmental organizations. Additionally, Patten elaborates on the importance of having an anthropologist on a research team, and identifies her role and responsibilities. Her expertise proved valuable to the acceptance of the project and the high level of participation by the Malawian villagers. In addition to typical wet or dry seasons that most countries experience, Malawi has a "hungry season": the period between when the last of the stored harvest is consumed and the first of the next season's crops are harvested.

Q: Advice for Developers: Peace Corps Problems in Botswana HOYT S. ALVERSON Summary This classic article by Hoyt Alverson provides an excellent example of how anthropology can be applied to the solution of practical problems. Although written years ago, its message is equally relevant today as Peace Corps volunteers, USAID workers, military personnel, and NGO (non-governmental organization) employees engage in nation building around the world. Alverson's conclusion is clear: development work in foreign (and even in some domestic) settings requires cross-cultural understanding. Alverson was asked by a program director to investigate problems with the Peace Corps' development efforts in Botswana. Volunteers, he was told, were to introduce development projects to Tswana farmers but found it difficult to so. The Tswana often resisted the volunteers' efforts. They would seem to cooperate but eventually nothing happened. Frustrated, volunteers tended to isolate themselves, failed to learn the local language, and hung out with other Americans or Europeans. Some gave up. Others failed to complete their two-year contracts. Many felt spiteful toward the Tswana and some even experienced nervous breakdowns. Alverson approached his task by looking at both the culture and perspective of the Peace Corps volunteers, and the culture and responses of the Tswana. (Alverson had already spent 15 months doing ethnographic research in a Tswana community.) He discovered that volunteers had many unstated assumptions, based on culture. Often, for example, volunteers wished to be respected for their superior knowledge and their ways of doing things, which they believed were better. Volunteers also believed that the Tswana had asked them to help impart their Western cultural knowledge and that they, the volunteers, were different from colonial authorities because they did not force people to change. The conclusion to draw from this information is simple: the volunteers' self-perception made it harder for them to learn about the people they were there to engage. The remainder of Alverson's paper deals with areas of cross-cultural misunderstandings between volunteers and the Tswana. One example is the concept of time. The American volunteer's concept of time is lineal: the Tswana concept sees time as bounded by events. Volunteers became frustrated when the Tswana did not show up on time. Another example is that volunteers appreciate candor as they talk. The Tswana like smooth, non-confrontational discourse. As a result, a Tswana may lie about something to avoid conflict. In sum, Alverson sees the discomfort displayed by American Peace Corps volunteers in Botswana as a consequence of life in a very different, culturally defined Tswana world. The implied solution is to inform volunteers about their own cultural and self-perceptions, and teach volunteers as much as possible about the culture of those with whom they intend to work. In Alverson's estimation, Peace Corps volunteers feel they are making a sacrifice to serve other, less fortunate people, and that they are the experts in relations with local people.

Q: Advice for Developers: Peace Corps Problems in Botswana HOYT S. ALVERSON Summary This classic article by Hoyt Alverson provides an excellent example of how anthropology can be applied to the solution of practical problems. Although written years ago, its message is equally relevant today as Peace Corps volunteers, USAID workers, military personnel, and NGO (non-governmental organization) employees engage in nation building around the world. Alverson's conclusion is clear: development work in foreign (and even in some domestic) settings requires cross-cultural understanding. Alverson was asked by a program director to investigate problems with the Peace Corps' development efforts in Botswana. Volunteers, he was told, were to introduce development projects to Tswana farmers but found it difficult to so. The Tswana often resisted the volunteers' efforts. They would seem to cooperate but eventually nothing happened. Frustrated, volunteers tended to isolate themselves, failed to learn the local language, and hung out with other Americans or Europeans. Some gave up. Others failed to complete their two-year contracts. Many felt spiteful toward the Tswana and some even experienced nervous breakdowns. Alverson approached his task by looking at both the culture and perspective of the Peace Corps volunteers, and the culture and responses of the Tswana. (Alverson had already spent 15 months doing ethnographic research in a Tswana community.) He discovered that volunteers had many unstated assumptions, based on culture. Often, for example, volunteers wished to be respected for their superior knowledge and their ways of doing things, which they believed were better. Volunteers also believed that the Tswana had asked them to help impart their Western cultural knowledge and that they, the volunteers, were different from colonial authorities because they did not force people to change. The conclusion to draw from this information is simple: the volunteers' self-perception made it harder for them to learn about the people they were there to engage. The remainder of Alverson's paper deals with areas of cross-cultural misunderstandings between volunteers and the Tswana. One example is the concept of time. The American volunteer's concept of time is lineal: the Tswana concept sees time as bounded by events. Volunteers became frustrated when the Tswana did not show up on time. Another example is that volunteers appreciate candor as they talk. The Tswana like smooth, non-confrontational discourse. As a result, a Tswana may lie about something to avoid conflict. In sum, Alverson sees the discomfort displayed by American Peace Corps volunteers in Botswana as a consequence of life in a very different, culturally defined Tswana world. The implied solution is to inform volunteers about their own cultural and self-perceptions, and teach volunteers as much as possible about the culture of those with whom they intend to work. In "Advice for Developers," Alverson concludes that, Peace Corps volunteers tend to force people like the Tswana to do what they, the volunteers, consider is needed.

Q: Advice for Developers: Peace Corps Problems in Botswana HOYT S. ALVERSON Summary This classic article by Hoyt Alverson provides an excellent example of how anthropology can be applied to the solution of practical problems. Although written years ago, its message is equally relevant today as Peace Corps volunteers, USAID workers, military personnel, and NGO (non-governmental organization) employees engage in nation building around the world. Alverson's conclusion is clear: development work in foreign (and even in some domestic) settings requires cross-cultural understanding. Alverson was asked by a program director to investigate problems with the Peace Corps' development efforts in Botswana. Volunteers, he was told, were to introduce development projects to Tswana farmers but found it difficult to so. The Tswana often resisted the volunteers' efforts. They would seem to cooperate but eventually nothing happened. Frustrated, volunteers tended to isolate themselves, failed to learn the local language, and hung out with other Americans or Europeans. Some gave up. Others failed to complete their two-year contracts. Many felt spiteful toward the Tswana and some even experienced nervous breakdowns. Alverson approached his task by looking at both the culture and perspective of the Peace Corps volunteers, and the culture and responses of the Tswana. (Alverson had already spent 15 months doing ethnographic research in a Tswana community.) He discovered that volunteers had many unstated assumptions, based on culture. Often, for example, volunteers wished to be respected for their superior knowledge and their ways of doing things, which they believed were better. Volunteers also believed that the Tswana had asked them to help impart their Western cultural knowledge and that they, the volunteers, were different from colonial authorities because they did not force people to change. The conclusion to draw from this information is simple: the volunteers' self-perception made it harder for them to learn about the people they were there to engage. The remainder of Alverson's paper deals with areas of cross-cultural misunderstandings between volunteers and the Tswana. One example is the concept of time. The American volunteer's concept of time is lineal: the Tswana concept sees time as bounded by events. Volunteers became frustrated when the Tswana did not show up on time. Another example is that volunteers appreciate candor as they talk. The Tswana like smooth, non-confrontational discourse. As a result, a Tswana may lie about something to avoid conflict. In sum, Alverson sees the discomfort displayed by American Peace Corps volunteers in Botswana as a consequence of life in a very different, culturally defined Tswana world. The implied solution is to inform volunteers about their own cultural and self-perceptions, and teach volunteers as much as possible about the culture of those with whom they intend to work. As Alverson notes in "Advice for Developers," Americans reveal intimate information about themselves to friends. The Tswana feel revealing secrets is dangerous.

Q: Advice for Developers: Peace Corps Problems in Botswana HOYT S. ALVERSON Summary This classic article by Hoyt Alverson provides an excellent example of how anthropology can be applied to the solution of practical problems. Although written years ago, its message is equally relevant today as Peace Corps volunteers, USAID workers, military personnel, and NGO (non-governmental organization) employees engage in nation building around the world. Alverson's conclusion is clear: development work in foreign (and even in some domestic) settings requires cross-cultural understanding. Alverson was asked by a program director to investigate problems with the Peace Corps' development efforts in Botswana. Volunteers, he was told, were to introduce development projects to Tswana farmers but found it difficult to so. The Tswana often resisted the volunteers' efforts. They would seem to cooperate but eventually nothing happened. Frustrated, volunteers tended to isolate themselves, failed to learn the local language, and hung out with other Americans or Europeans. Some gave up. Others failed to complete their two-year contracts. Many felt spiteful toward the Tswana and some even experienced nervous breakdowns. Alverson approached his task by looking at both the culture and perspective of the Peace Corps volunteers, and the culture and responses of the Tswana. (Alverson had already spent 15 months doing ethnographic research in a Tswana community.) He discovered that volunteers had many unstated assumptions, based on culture. Often, for example, volunteers wished to be respected for their superior knowledge and their ways of doing things, which they believed were better. Volunteers also believed that the Tswana had asked them to help impart their Western cultural knowledge and that they, the volunteers, were different from colonial authorities because they did not force people to change. The conclusion to draw from this information is simple: the volunteers' self-perception made it harder for them to learn about the people they were there to engage. The remainder of Alverson's paper deals with areas of cross-cultural misunderstandings between volunteers and the Tswana. One example is the concept of time. The American volunteer's concept of time is lineal: the Tswana concept sees time as bounded by events. Volunteers became frustrated when the Tswana did not show up on time. Another example is that volunteers appreciate candor as they talk. The Tswana like smooth, non-confrontational discourse. As a result, a Tswana may lie about something to avoid conflict. In sum, Alverson sees the discomfort displayed by American Peace Corps volunteers in Botswana as a consequence of life in a very different, culturally defined Tswana world. The implied solution is to inform volunteers about their own cultural and self-perceptions, and teach volunteers as much as possible about the culture of those with whom they intend to work. Tswana farmers, notes Alverson in "Advice for Developers," fail to recognize the subtle references about sex, age, and class in the English language of Peace Corps volunteers.

Q: Advice for Developers: Peace Corps Problems in Botswana HOYT S. ALVERSON Summary This classic article by Hoyt Alverson provides an excellent example of how anthropology can be applied to the solution of practical problems. Although written years ago, its message is equally relevant today as Peace Corps volunteers, USAID workers, military personnel, and NGO (non-governmental organization) employees engage in nation building around the world. Alverson's conclusion is clear: development work in foreign (and even in some domestic) settings requires cross-cultural understanding. Alverson was asked by a program director to investigate problems with the Peace Corps' development efforts in Botswana. Volunteers, he was told, were to introduce development projects to Tswana farmers but found it difficult to so. The Tswana often resisted the volunteers' efforts. They would seem to cooperate but eventually nothing happened. Frustrated, volunteers tended to isolate themselves, failed to learn the local language, and hung out with other Americans or Europeans. Some gave up. Others failed to complete their two-year contracts. Many felt spiteful toward the Tswana and some even experienced nervous breakdowns. Alverson approached his task by looking at both the culture and perspective of the Peace Corps volunteers, and the culture and responses of the Tswana. (Alverson had already spent 15 months doing ethnographic research in a Tswana community.) He discovered that volunteers had many unstated assumptions, based on culture. Often, for example, volunteers wished to be respected for their superior knowledge and their ways of doing things, which they believed were better. Volunteers also believed that the Tswana had asked them to help impart their Western cultural knowledge and that they, the volunteers, were different from colonial authorities because they did not force people to change. The conclusion to draw from this information is simple: the volunteers' self-perception made it harder for them to learn about the people they were there to engage. The remainder of Alverson's paper deals with areas of cross-cultural misunderstandings between volunteers and the Tswana. One example is the concept of time. The American volunteer's concept of time is lineal: the Tswana concept sees time as bounded by events. Volunteers became frustrated when the Tswana did not show up on time. Another example is that volunteers appreciate candor as they talk. The Tswana like smooth, non-confrontational discourse. As a result, a Tswana may lie about something to avoid conflict. In sum, Alverson sees the discomfort displayed by American Peace Corps volunteers in Botswana as a consequence of life in a very different, culturally defined Tswana world. The implied solution is to inform volunteers about their own cultural and self-perceptions, and teach volunteers as much as possible about the culture of those with whom they intend to work. According to Alverson in "Advice for Developers," the Tswana like their privacy and resent American volunteers when the latter invade their space.

Q: Advice for Developers: Peace Corps Problems in Botswana HOYT S. ALVERSON Summary This classic article by Hoyt Alverson provides an excellent example of how anthropology can be applied to the solution of practical problems. Although written years ago, its message is equally relevant today as Peace Corps volunteers, USAID workers, military personnel, and NGO (non-governmental organization) employees engage in nation building around the world. Alverson's conclusion is clear: development work in foreign (and even in some domestic) settings requires cross-cultural understanding. Alverson was asked by a program director to investigate problems with the Peace Corps' development efforts in Botswana. Volunteers, he was told, were to introduce development projects to Tswana farmers but found it difficult to so. The Tswana often resisted the volunteers' efforts. They would seem to cooperate but eventually nothing happened. Frustrated, volunteers tended to isolate themselves, failed to learn the local language, and hung out with other Americans or Europeans. Some gave up. Others failed to complete their two-year contracts. Many felt spiteful toward the Tswana and some even experienced nervous breakdowns. Alverson approached his task by looking at both the culture and perspective of the Peace Corps volunteers, and the culture and responses of the Tswana. (Alverson had already spent 15 months doing ethnographic research in a Tswana community.) He discovered that volunteers had many unstated assumptions, based on culture. Often, for example, volunteers wished to be respected for their superior knowledge and their ways of doing things, which they believed were better. Volunteers also believed that the Tswana had asked them to help impart their Western cultural knowledge and that they, the volunteers, were different from colonial authorities because they did not force people to change. The conclusion to draw from this information is simple: the volunteers' self-perception made it harder for them to learn about the people they were there to engage. The remainder of Alverson's paper deals with areas of cross-cultural misunderstandings between volunteers and the Tswana. One example is the concept of time. The American volunteer's concept of time is lineal: the Tswana concept sees time as bounded by events. Volunteers became frustrated when the Tswana did not show up on time. Another example is that volunteers appreciate candor as they talk. The Tswana like smooth, non-confrontational discourse. As a result, a Tswana may lie about something to avoid conflict. In sum, Alverson sees the discomfort displayed by American Peace Corps volunteers in Botswana as a consequence of life in a very different, culturally defined Tswana world. The implied solution is to inform volunteers about their own cultural and self-perceptions, and teach volunteers as much as possible about the culture of those with whom they intend to work. In "Advice for Developers," Alverson suggests that the Tswana are liable to show up at a volunteer's door when the American says, "We should get together sometime."

Q: Advice for Developers: Peace Corps Problems in Botswana HOYT S. ALVERSON Summary This classic article by Hoyt Alverson provides an excellent example of how anthropology can be applied to the solution of practical problems. Although written years ago, its message is equally relevant today as Peace Corps volunteers, USAID workers, military personnel, and NGO (non-governmental organization) employees engage in nation building around the world. Alverson's conclusion is clear: development work in foreign (and even in some domestic) settings requires cross-cultural understanding. Alverson was asked by a program director to investigate problems with the Peace Corps' development efforts in Botswana. Volunteers, he was told, were to introduce development projects to Tswana farmers but found it difficult to so. The Tswana often resisted the volunteers' efforts. They would seem to cooperate but eventually nothing happened. Frustrated, volunteers tended to isolate themselves, failed to learn the local language, and hung out with other Americans or Europeans. Some gave up. Others failed to complete their two-year contracts. Many felt spiteful toward the Tswana and some even experienced nervous breakdowns. Alverson approached his task by looking at both the culture and perspective of the Peace Corps volunteers, and the culture and responses of the Tswana. (Alverson had already spent 15 months doing ethnographic research in a Tswana community.) He discovered that volunteers had many unstated assumptions, based on culture. Often, for example, volunteers wished to be respected for their superior knowledge and their ways of doing things, which they believed were better. Volunteers also believed that the Tswana had asked them to help impart their Western cultural knowledge and that they, the volunteers, were different from colonial authorities because they did not force people to change. The conclusion to draw from this information is simple: the volunteers' self-perception made it harder for them to learn about the people they were there to engage. The remainder of Alverson's paper deals with areas of cross-cultural misunderstandings between volunteers and the Tswana. One example is the concept of time. The American volunteer's concept of time is lineal: the Tswana concept sees time as bounded by events. Volunteers became frustrated when the Tswana did not show up on time. Another example is that volunteers appreciate candor as they talk. The Tswana like smooth, non-confrontational discourse. As a result, a Tswana may lie about something to avoid conflict. In sum, Alverson sees the discomfort displayed by American Peace Corps volunteers in Botswana as a consequence of life in a very different, culturally defined Tswana world. The implied solution is to inform volunteers about their own cultural and self-perceptions, and teach volunteers as much as possible about the culture of those with whom they intend to work. In "Advice for Developers," Alverson observes that Tswana farmers speak about their feelings with candor.

Q: Advice for Developers: Peace Corps Problems in Botswana HOYT S. ALVERSON Summary This classic article by Hoyt Alverson provides an excellent example of how anthropology can be applied to the solution of practical problems. Although written years ago, its message is equally relevant today as Peace Corps volunteers, USAID workers, military personnel, and NGO (non-governmental organization) employees engage in nation building around the world. Alverson's conclusion is clear: development work in foreign (and even in some domestic) settings requires cross-cultural understanding. Alverson was asked by a program director to investigate problems with the Peace Corps' development efforts in Botswana. Volunteers, he was told, were to introduce development projects to Tswana farmers but found it difficult to so. The Tswana often resisted the volunteers' efforts. They would seem to cooperate but eventually nothing happened. Frustrated, volunteers tended to isolate themselves, failed to learn the local language, and hung out with other Americans or Europeans. Some gave up. Others failed to complete their two-year contracts. Many felt spiteful toward the Tswana and some even experienced nervous breakdowns. Alverson approached his task by looking at both the culture and perspective of the Peace Corps volunteers, and the culture and responses of the Tswana. (Alverson had already spent 15 months doing ethnographic research in a Tswana community.) He discovered that volunteers had many unstated assumptions, based on culture. Often, for example, volunteers wished to be respected for their superior knowledge and their ways of doing things, which they believed were better. Volunteers also believed that the Tswana had asked them to help impart their Western cultural knowledge and that they, the volunteers, were different from colonial authorities because they did not force people to change. The conclusion to draw from this information is simple: the volunteers' self-perception made it harder for them to learn about the people they were there to engage. The remainder of Alverson's paper deals with areas of cross-cultural misunderstandings between volunteers and the Tswana. One example is the concept of time. The American volunteer's concept of time is lineal: the Tswana concept sees time as bounded by events. Volunteers became frustrated when the Tswana did not show up on time. Another example is that volunteers appreciate candor as they talk. The Tswana like smooth, non-confrontational discourse. As a result, a Tswana may lie about something to avoid conflict. In sum, Alverson sees the discomfort displayed by American Peace Corps volunteers in Botswana as a consequence of life in a very different, culturally defined Tswana world. The implied solution is to inform volunteers about their own cultural and self-perceptions, and teach volunteers as much as possible about the culture of those with whom they intend to work. According to Alverson in "Advice for Developers," Peace Corps volunteers conceive of time as lineal while the Tswana associate it with events.

Q: Advice for Developers: Peace Corps Problems in Botswana HOYT S. ALVERSON Summary This classic article by Hoyt Alverson provides an excellent example of how anthropology can be applied to the solution of practical problems. Although written years ago, its message is equally relevant today as Peace Corps volunteers, USAID workers, military personnel, and NGO (non-governmental organization) employees engage in nation building around the world. Alverson's conclusion is clear: development work in foreign (and even in some domestic) settings requires cross-cultural understanding. Alverson was asked by a program director to investigate problems with the Peace Corps' development efforts in Botswana. Volunteers, he was told, were to introduce development projects to Tswana farmers but found it difficult to so. The Tswana often resisted the volunteers' efforts. They would seem to cooperate but eventually nothing happened. Frustrated, volunteers tended to isolate themselves, failed to learn the local language, and hung out with other Americans or Europeans. Some gave up. Others failed to complete their two-year contracts. Many felt spiteful toward the Tswana and some even experienced nervous breakdowns. Alverson approached his task by looking at both the culture and perspective of the Peace Corps volunteers, and the culture and responses of the Tswana. (Alverson had already spent 15 months doing ethnographic research in a Tswana community.) He discovered that volunteers had many unstated assumptions, based on culture. Often, for example, volunteers wished to be respected for their superior knowledge and their ways of doing things, which they believed were better. Volunteers also believed that the Tswana had asked them to help impart their Western cultural knowledge and that they, the volunteers, were different from colonial authorities because they did not force people to change. The conclusion to draw from this information is simple: the volunteers' self-perception made it harder for them to learn about the people they were there to engage. The remainder of Alverson's paper deals with areas of cross-cultural misunderstandings between volunteers and the Tswana. One example is the concept of time. The American volunteer's concept of time is lineal: the Tswana concept sees time as bounded by events. Volunteers became frustrated when the Tswana did not show up on time. Another example is that volunteers appreciate candor as they talk. The Tswana like smooth, non-confrontational discourse. As a result, a Tswana may lie about something to avoid conflict. In sum, Alverson sees the discomfort displayed by American Peace Corps volunteers in Botswana as a consequence of life in a very different, culturally defined Tswana world. The implied solution is to inform volunteers about their own cultural and self-perceptions, and teach volunteers as much as possible about the culture of those with whom they intend to work. In "Advice for Developers," Alverson reports that Peace Corps volunteers maintained an aloof distance when they talked with Tswana farmers.

Q: Advice for Developers: Peace Corps Problems in Botswana HOYT S. ALVERSON Summary This classic article by Hoyt Alverson provides an excellent example of how anthropology can be applied to the solution of practical problems. Although written years ago, its message is equally relevant today as Peace Corps volunteers, USAID workers, military personnel, and NGO (non-governmental organization) employees engage in nation building around the world. Alverson's conclusion is clear: development work in foreign (and even in some domestic) settings requires cross-cultural understanding. Alverson was asked by a program director to investigate problems with the Peace Corps' development efforts in Botswana. Volunteers, he was told, were to introduce development projects to Tswana farmers but found it difficult to so. The Tswana often resisted the volunteers' efforts. They would seem to cooperate but eventually nothing happened. Frustrated, volunteers tended to isolate themselves, failed to learn the local language, and hung out with other Americans or Europeans. Some gave up. Others failed to complete their two-year contracts. Many felt spiteful toward the Tswana and some even experienced nervous breakdowns. Alverson approached his task by looking at both the culture and perspective of the Peace Corps volunteers, and the culture and responses of the Tswana. (Alverson had already spent 15 months doing ethnographic research in a Tswana community.) He discovered that volunteers had many unstated assumptions, based on culture. Often, for example, volunteers wished to be respected for their superior knowledge and their ways of doing things, which they believed were better. Volunteers also believed that the Tswana had asked them to help impart their Western cultural knowledge and that they, the volunteers, were different from colonial authorities because they did not force people to change. The conclusion to draw from this information is simple: the volunteers' self-perception made it harder for them to learn about the people they were there to engage. The remainder of Alverson's paper deals with areas of cross-cultural misunderstandings between volunteers and the Tswana. One example is the concept of time. The American volunteer's concept of time is lineal: the Tswana concept sees time as bounded by events. Volunteers became frustrated when the Tswana did not show up on time. Another example is that volunteers appreciate candor as they talk. The Tswana like smooth, non-confrontational discourse. As a result, a Tswana may lie about something to avoid conflict. In sum, Alverson sees the discomfort displayed by American Peace Corps volunteers in Botswana as a consequence of life in a very different, culturally defined Tswana world. The implied solution is to inform volunteers about their own cultural and self-perceptions, and teach volunteers as much as possible about the culture of those with whom they intend to work. In Alverson's "Advice for Developers," Peace Corps volunteers working in Botswana often isolated themselves, hung out with other Americans or Europeans, felt spiteful toward the Tswana, and failed to complete contracts.

Q: Global Women in the New Economy BARBARA EHRENREICH AND ARLIE RUSSELL HOCHSCHILD Summary In this selection, Barbara Ehrenreich and Arlie Hochschild look at an important aspect of globalization: the movement of poor women from Third World societies to wealthier nations. Published as the introduction to Global Women: Nannies, Maids, and Sex Workers in the New Economy, the piece begins with the story of a Sri Lankan woman serving as a nanny to a two-year-old child in Greece. The subject of a documentary film, When Mother Comes Home for Christmas, Josephene Perera has been a migrant worker for 10 years. She earns enough to support her three children at home, but only gets to see them once a year. Over time two of her children show signs of distress. Despite this, she returns once again to her job in Greece, trading a life of poverty at home for money in a distant land. Put another way, she gives up her family life to make one for parents who work full time in a wealthy nation. The authors stress several points about the flow of immigrant workers over the last few years. Movement has occurred between poor and rich countries. The international workforce, once largely consisting of men, now includes a substantial number of women, laboring as domestics, nannies, and sex-for-hire workers. The change marks a different relationship between rich and poor nations. Once rich nations mined poor ones for their natural resources; now they mine them for people. Four migration patterns stand out: one is the flow of workers from Southeast Asia to the Middle and Far East; a second from Eastern to Western Europe; a third from South and Central America to North America; and a fourth from Africa to Europe. In many of these places, foreign workers have taken domestic jobs once held by local people. For example, in America maids and nannies were once largely the domain of black women. These jobs are now largely filled by Latinas. Poor countries have come to value the money sent home by their citizens working abroad, and some have programs to prepare female citizens for foreign service and to find jobs abroad. There are a number of factors that attract poor women to do overseas work. There are plenty of jobs for domestics in wealthier countries because so many women there have gone to work in what was once a largely male economy. Job opportunities are even greater in First World countries, because governments have not instituted programs to help their working women with child care and other domestic needs; men have not stepped in to fill the gap at home; and men have created a demand for sex-for-hire workers. In addition, as the wealth gap between rich and poor countries grows, women from poor countries can make many times the amount of money they could earn at home by taking jobs abroad. Women may also be "pushed" to leave their countries in order to work abroad. Some leave to escape abuse at home. Many women who leave are well educated but had found no reasonably paid opportunities. As Ehrenreich and Hochschild observe in "Global Women in the New Economy," one reason First World women hire Third World women as domestics and nannies is that First World governments have not instituted programs to help them with child care.

Q: Global Women in the New Economy BARBARA EHRENREICH AND ARLIE RUSSELL HOCHSCHILD Summary In this selection, Barbara Ehrenreich and Arlie Hochschild look at an important aspect of globalization: the movement of poor women from Third World societies to wealthier nations. Published as the introduction to Global Women: Nannies, Maids, and Sex Workers in the New Economy, the piece begins with the story of a Sri Lankan woman serving as a nanny to a two-year-old child in Greece. The subject of a documentary film, When Mother Comes Home for Christmas, Josephene Perera has been a migrant worker for 10 years. She earns enough to support her three children at home, but only gets to see them once a year. Over time two of her children show signs of distress. Despite this, she returns once again to her job in Greece, trading a life of poverty at home for money in a distant land. Put another way, she gives up her family life to make one for parents who work full time in a wealthy nation. The authors stress several points about the flow of immigrant workers over the last few years. Movement has occurred between poor and rich countries. The international workforce, once largely consisting of men, now includes a substantial number of women, laboring as domestics, nannies, and sex-for-hire workers. The change marks a different relationship between rich and poor nations. Once rich nations mined poor ones for their natural resources; now they mine them for people. Four migration patterns stand out: one is the flow of workers from Southeast Asia to the Middle and Far East; a second from Eastern to Western Europe; a third from South and Central America to North America; and a fourth from Africa to Europe. In many of these places, foreign workers have taken domestic jobs once held by local people. For example, in America maids and nannies were once largely the domain of black women. These jobs are now largely filled by Latinas. Poor countries have come to value the money sent home by their citizens working abroad, and some have programs to prepare female citizens for foreign service and to find jobs abroad. There are a number of factors that attract poor women to do overseas work. There are plenty of jobs for domestics in wealthier countries because so many women there have gone to work in what was once a largely male economy. Job opportunities are even greater in First World countries, because governments have not instituted programs to help their working women with child care and other domestic needs; men have not stepped in to fill the gap at home; and men have created a demand for sex-for-hire workers. In addition, as the wealth gap between rich and poor countries grows, women from poor countries can make many times the amount of money they could earn at home by taking jobs abroad. Women may also be "pushed" to leave their countries in order to work abroad. Some leave to escape abuse at home. Many women who leave are well educated but had found no reasonably paid opportunities. In "Global Women in the New Economy," Ehrenreich and Hochschild note that there are four major flows of migrant women: one from Southeast Asia to the Middle and Far East, a second from East Europe to Western Europe, a third from South and South and Central America to North America, and a fourth from Africa to Europe.

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