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Anthropology
Q:
In the J'varo worldview, shamans use hallucinogens and tobacco to
A. travel to the underworld in order to communicate with spirits.
B. see through the sky to where the gods live.
C. induce life-changing experiences for initiation rites.
D. connect with the "real" in the world that can't be seen because of the illusion experienced in normal waking life.
Q:
Among the J'varo Indians, both bewitching and curing shamans use a hallucinogenic drink the J'varo refer to as
A. ayahuasca.
B. yag or yaj.
C. natema.
D. Banisteriopsis.
Q:
According to Furst and Coe, the intoxicating enema
A. is an excellent delivery system that can dramatically alter one's state of consciousness faster than oral ingestion with fewer negative side effects.
B. produces a more intense experience of the drug than does oral ingestion, but there are serious side effects and associated health concerns.
C. is about the same as a bio-delivery system as oral ingestion.
D. resembles the effect produced by an intravenous injection, but the rectal delivery system is associated with fertility problems.
Q:
The native Amerindian enema and the Old World enema
A. are indistinguishable, except for the type of plants used; in some cases, as in members of the morning glory family, the plants used are in fact markedly similar.
B. interestingly enough, are both thought to have come into practice, or been discovered, during the tenth century A.D.
C. are distinguished from one another because while the Old World enema was concerned with clearing the bowels, the New World enema was considered a delivery system for medicines and intoxicants.
D. are really one and the same because the enema was unheard of before the explorers brought the practice back with them and turned it into a European craze in the use of belladonna and opium.
Q:
Greenfield argues that Brazilians are good hypnotic subjects because
A. most have lost faith in Western medicine.
B. they believe in psychotherapy and use hypnosis in their daily lives.
C. they believe in the Spiritist view of reincarnation.
D. their society teaches, reinforces and rewards fantasy.
Q:
Brazilian Spiritist healer-mediums go into trance to
A. receive their spirit guides.
B. escape the reality of the surgery.
C. control the spirits that have taken over the client's body.
D. be able to conduct surgeries quickly and efficiently.
Q:
According to Brazilian Spiritists, the surgeries described by Greenfield were actually performed by __________.
A. the spirits of deceased humans
B. the gods
C. animal spirits
D. shamans
Q:
Greenfield describes Rossi's theory that accessing state-dependent memory may be the common denominator between
A. trance and shamanism.
B. Western medicine and approaches to healing that depend on highly specialized cultural belief systems.
C. holistic, shamanistic and spiritist approaches to healing.
D. all trance-based religions worldwide.
Q:
Lewis agrees that shamanism can be understood as
A. a unique relationship with animals.
B. a characteristic unique to Siberian cultures.
C. mystical flight.
D. possession by a spirit or spirits.
Q:
Lewis compares trance to female sexual climax by arguing that
A. neither is easily obtained.
B. both are obtained by using the body in similar ways.
C. both are a condition of dissociation characterized by automatisms of action and thought.
D. both are affected by cultural conventions.
Q:
According to Lewis, what are the two trance inducing processes found in all civilizations and cultures?
A. sensory deprivation and overload.
B. performance of music and dance.
C. psychotropic drugs and music.
D. repetition and seclusion.
Q:
Cross-cultural comparisons of hallucinogenic drugs show that
A. all societies have used some form.
B. overall they have a negative effect on the society.
C. they can have different effects on the users from one society to the next because of differing cultural expectations.
D. only shamans and various types of spiritual leaders use them.
Q:
All of the following factors discussed by the editors of this book have been utilized across the globe to induce ASC or trance, EXCEPT:
A. Drumming/Dance
B. Ritual grooming
C. Drugs
D. Ingestion or abstinence from food
Q:
Humans on all continents, and probably since prehistoric times, have used _________ to produce dramatically altered states.
A. sacred tools
B. tobacco leaves
C. plants and animal substances
D. holy water
Q:
Ordinary human consciousness without deliberate alteration include:
A. Sleep and dreaming
B. Relaxation
C. Attentiveness
D. All of the above
Q:
An altered state of consciousness can be described as
A. a state of consciousness where the soul is perceived to leave the body.
B. the most dramatic form of consciousness that may be deliberately induced.
C. always induced by a hallucinogenic substance.
D. a personal experience with a god or spirit unique to a religion.
Q:
Asahara's Aum movement had infiltrated the ministry of science and technology in efforts to produce massive amounts of sarin nerve gas to spray and create the apocalypse that Aum followers believed would come.
Q:
Shukkesha are members of Aum who have renounced society and live in communes.
Q:
At the time the 1995 Tokyo Subway nerve gas attacks, Aum Shinrikyo was a well-established, well-known "new religion" globally.
Q:
The education of a Kogi priest is a model for the education of all men.
Q:
There are both good and evil Mmas that are active in Kogi society.
Q:
By isolating novice priests from the rest of society, Mmas intend to ensure the spiritual purity of such novices.
Q:
A Kogi priest must be well-versed in all aspects of Kogi life.
Q:
Kogi villages are usually occupied throughout the year.
Q:
Brown shows how shamans simultaneously act as the sorcerers they are trying to protect people from, thereby creating the need and delivering the remedy.
Q:
Shamanism affirms life but also spawns violence and death.
Q:
Vitebsky suggests that shamanism seems to be becoming a globalized world religion.
Q:
Shamans have often been compared to psychoanalysts and psychotherapists.
Q:
A shaman's initiation ritual is usually filled with symbolism of transformation and rebirth.
Q:
Trance is a technique of dissociation which the shaman is forced to enter and usually has little control over.
Q:
Vitebsky compares soul flight to hunting as evidence of shamanism's prehistoric roots.
Q:
Women tend to be granted greater recognition and power as religious functionaries in complex societies.
Q:
Shamans, mediums, and prophets are generally more sensitive and responsive to the private and the personal than the priest.
Q:
As the scale, complexity, and degree of specialization increase within a society the domain of religion in social life contracts.
Q:
Anthropologists consider all specialists whose power emanates from supernatural agents to be in the realm of the religious (although some aim to serve and others to harm).
Q:
The theory of unilineal evolution is one of the most important anthropological tools in any investigation of religious specialists.
Q:
All of the following are conclusions that Mullins draws from his anthropological research on the Aum Shinrikyo movement and its creator Shoko Asahara EXCEPT:
A. Each new act of violence made future acts of violence easier and more important to cover up.
B. The movement's violence in rural areas garnered media attention, but not as much as the Tokyo subway nerve gas attacks of 1995.
C. The violence carried out in this "new religion" is consistent with the sociological theory of "democratization of evil."
D. "New religious" groups like the Aum Shinrikyo movement need to have widespread power and central organization to have clout or impact society outside of their group.
Q:
All of the following are true demographics regarding Aum Shinrikyo membership EXCEPT:
A. Over 75% of Shukkesha members of Aum communities were women
B. Most Aum communities or "lotus villagers" were in rural areas
C. Members were spread across 25 villages in Japan and additional groups in Russia
D. Most Shukkesha members were in their 20s or 30s
Q:
Shoko Asahara had which of the following anthropologically defined qualities of a "prophet" or religious leader:
A. He directly provided food to his followers.
B. He created a highly ordered society within the Aum movement.
C. He encouraged use of monetary tender.
D. All of the above.
Q:
All of the following were principles central to the Aum Shinrikyo movement and philosophies EXCEPT:
A. Renouncing society and the outside world
B. Self-sufficiency
C. Central organization
D. Financial independence
Q:
Which deity from another Asian religion became the primary deity of the Aum Shinrikyo movement?
A. Siddhartha
B. Shiva
C. Vishnu
D. Shoko Asahara
Q:
According to Reichel-Dolmatoff, Kogi priests serve an adaptive purpose, meaning
A. they help the Kogi adapt to their harsh physical environment by teaching agriculture, natural history, and vocational skills.
B. their ability to control the cycles of the sun allows them to keep the environment in balance, thus assuring a bountiful crop.
C. they provide the Kogi a spiritual way of reconciling themselves with a harsh and tenuous physical existence.
D. they are able to enforce social relationships that are critical for the material survival of the group.
Q:
Mmas hold counsels intended to
A. convey a condensed set of moral values to a group of men.
B. educate men in esoteric spiritual matters.
C. encourage women to abstain from sex and excessive sleeping and eating.
D. teach children the rudimentary social values of Kogi society.
Q:
Which of the following is not a field of study central to the education of a Mma?
A. mythology
B. community leadership
C. social structure
D. biology
E. rhetoric
Q:
Which term best denotes the meaning of aluna?
A. spiritual
B. libidinous
C. imaginary
D. otherworldly
Q:
To Kogi men, women are seen as
A. a symbol for purity and spiritual divinity.
B. intrinsically evil and desirous of conflict.
C. tricksters.
D. obstacles to spiritual growth.
E. living representations of the cosmic egg.
Q:
Reichel-Dolmatoff suggests that we should conceive of the Kogi as
A. a materially complex culture with a wide range of unique adaptations to their environment.
B. a group of people we should respect for their ability to live in harmony and balance with nature.
C. a people who have developed a spiritual means of accepting hardship and misfortune.
D. indigenous people who have successfully remained untainted by the modern world.
Q:
Brown finds the New Age embrace of shamanism unsettling because
A. he is afraid that practitioners will unwittingly increase tension in their communities instead of alleviating it.
B. shamanistic traditions are being incorporated into Christian rituals.
C. it lacks an appreciation of the cultural context and the rather stark facts about the practice.
D. people are going to shamans when they should just go to the doctor.
Q:
Brown notes that shamanism in the Amazon has some "violent undercurrents" to it
A. that cancel out the superficial benefits gained from the practice.
B. even though shamans do beneficially serve their communities in numerous ways.
C. that go unnoticed by native and New Age practitioners alike.
D. but that they pale in comparison to the kind of violence that would predominate if the quasi-judicial system of a belief in sorcery didn't exist.
Q:
One difference between shamanic and neo-shamanic practices of today is that
A. neo-shamanic practitioners argue that shamanism is a technique anyone can learn.
B. shamanic practices hold a validity and originality that neo-shamanic practices do not.
C. neo-shamanic practices are evolving all the time while shamanic practices stay relatively unchanged.
D. there is only one shaman that serves a group of people in traditional shamanism.
Q:
Vitebsky uses the examples of the Iglulik Inuit and the Sora to show
A. how shamanism has evolved since prehistoric times.
B. the ways in which the shaman is viewed as a deity to the local people and plays a role outside the social structure.
C. the vast differences in shamanism around the world.
D. the public role of the shaman and the way his/her role is embedded in the local social structure.
Q:
While the term "shamanism" has been defined in various ways, to Vitebsky _________ is the single most important defining feature.
A. soul flight
B. anyone thought to have a special relationship with spirits
C. religions of the non-European peoples of the circumpolar north
D. one who possesses a unique relationship with animals
Q:
Why does Vitebsky argue that the word "shamanism" may not be an accurate term?
A. The term "shaman" is only used by the people in about half the religions referred to as "shamanism."
B. Neo-shamanism of today has changed people's ideas of traditional shamanism.
C. "-ism" carries a connotation of formality used when describing "western" religions which may be inappropriate for more fluid and flexible religions.
D. The term was derived from a tribe in Amazonia which has few similarities to other peoples around the world.
Q:
Turner notes that the roles of "diviner" and "doctor" are most often
A. combined into a single recognized position of healer among food-producing societies.
B. specialized and performed by different individuals.
C. stratified by a hierarchy of religious specialists in any society.
D. combined into a single recognized position of healer among food-gathering societies.
Q:
Turner uses the term "divination" to refer to all of the following practices except
A. inquiring about the future events and matters affecting entire tribes and nations from a Supreme Being.
B. gaining insight into "untoward events" of the past through analysis of the past.
C. inquiring about future personal and immediate events or matters from a deity or supernatural power.
Q:
Although priests and shamans sometimes coexist as among the Plains Indians of North America, Turner notes that shamans are most often found where the priest is absent in
A. small-scale agricultural societies with ceremonial public "calendrical" rites.
B. food-gathering cultures where they perform "non-calendrical" rites to address illness or mishap.
C. cultures that operate with an inherent cultural fear of supernatural mischievousness and treachery.
D. small-scale societies with high incidences of inter- and inner-tribal conflict.
Q:
How does Max Weber characterize the "prophet"?
A. The prophet is one of the select few religious heretics that ever gained public support.
B. The prophet is the "impatient priest" who divines a "better path" to spiritual communion.
C. The prophet is distinguished by a personal callthe claim to authority is based upon divine revelation and charisma.
D. The prophet serves as a reinforcement or revitalization of community stability.
Q:
Turner asserts early on in his article that the practice of manipulating impersonal supernatural powers referred to as "magic" is
A. not a religious practice, in the Western anthropological sense of the word.
B. sometimes associated with religion, but is actually more connected to methods of social control and conflict resolution.
C. considered a religious practice because some element of the supernatural is manipulated for specific ends.
D. misguided superstition and, therefore, doesn't involve truly religious concepts.
Q:
All of the following are important in anthropological studies of religious leaders EXCEPT:
A. Understanding the structure, society, and supernatural world of the studied culture/group.
B. Understanding weather or not the tasks performed by religious specialists are religious.
C. Understanding how religious leaders are identified or designated.
D. Understanding the exact procedure of rituals/tasks that the religious leader carries out.
Q:
A. the typology of religious specialists and how they function within their religious and cultural system.
B. which practices concerned with the supernatural are actually "religious."
C. how all religious figures have essentially the same role within their traditions if they are understood within context.
D. why shamanism is a mark of less complex, and less structured societies.
Q:
A. be small, scale hunter-gatherer societies.
B. have political systems that are one and the same with the religious leadership.
C. organize civic life around the agricultural cycles.
D. produce their own food and have complex political and social systems.
Q:
Because secular and scared henna tattooing rituals are so different the designs applied to women are also different
Q:
All henna tattooing rituals secular or scared involved blood sheading.
Q:
Although no direct, definitive comparison can be drawn between henna and the blood of the bride's virginity, the red color and the smashing of the henna bowl to indicate loss of virginity reflect an ambiguous, yet powerful status of female blood in Moroccan society.
Q:
Henna body adornment is practiced in Morocco only for religious rituals.
Q:
To the Charismatic Renewal movement, abortion is a definitive termination of human life, while the Japanese believe it to be the return of the fetus to a state of prebeing.
Q:
The Japanese abortion healing ritual, mizuko kuyo, takes place in a relatively public setting, while the American Charismatic Renewal movement's post-abortion prayer is often private.
Q:
The ritual healing system of the Charismatic Renewal movement affirms the mother's choice of pregnancy termination by creating a person of the aborted fetus.
Q:
Cross-culturally, it is understood that personhood begins at or before birth.
Q:
According to Myerhoff, transformation through the observation of oppositions expresses a lamentation for a lost paradise.
Q:
According to Myerhoff, reversals are instituted and relaxed with formal ceremonies.
Q:
The Huichol utilize reversals to symbolically transform themselves into deities.
Q:
The body position of the Santer'a initiate during the moforibale indicates the gender of his/her oricha.
Q:
Practitioners often confuse the "owner of the head" (oricha) with the initiate in Santer'a rituals.
Q:
Since the learning of Santer'a rituals is slow and informal, participants with knowledge of certain ceremonies exercise a type of esoteric power.
Q:
Recent anthropological studies of cultural performance have demonstrated that meaning is inherent in ritual signs and must be discovered by the performer.
Q:
Turner asserts that the liminal period is a stage of abstract reflection.
Q:
Much of the symbolism of the liminal persona is modeled on the biological processes of the human body.
Q:
The Ndembu of Zambia use the same term to refer to a boy undergoing circumcision rites as they do to refer to "the first or ritual wife."
Q:
The comparison of ritual to theater has been a very useful analogy in the anthropological approach.