Anthropology

Q: Global Women in the New Economy BARBARA EHRENREICH AND ARLIE RUSSELL HOCHSCHILD Summary In this selection, Barbara Ehrenreich and Arlie Hochschild look at an important aspect of globalization: the movement of poor women from Third World societies to wealthier nations. Published as the introduction to Global Women: Nannies, Maids, and Sex Workers in the New Economy, the piece begins with the story of a Sri Lankan woman serving as a nanny to a two-year-old child in Greece. The subject of a documentary film, When Mother Comes Home for Christmas, Josephene Perera has been a migrant worker for 10 years. She earns enough to support her three children at home, but only gets to see them once a year. Over time two of her children show signs of distress. Despite this, she returns once again to her job in Greece, trading a life of poverty at home for money in a distant land. Put another way, she gives up her family life to make one for parents who work full time in a wealthy nation. The authors stress several points about the flow of immigrant workers over the last few years. Movement has occurred between poor and rich countries. The international workforce, once largely consisting of men, now includes a substantial number of women, laboring as domestics, nannies, and sex-for-hire workers. The change marks a different relationship between rich and poor nations. Once rich nations mined poor ones for their natural resources; now they mine them for people. Four migration patterns stand out: one is the flow of workers from Southeast Asia to the Middle and Far East; a second from Eastern to Western Europe; a third from South and Central America to North America; and a fourth from Africa to Europe. In many of these places, foreign workers have taken domestic jobs once held by local people. For example, in America maids and nannies were once largely the domain of black women. These jobs are now largely filled by Latinas. Poor countries have come to value the money sent home by their citizens working abroad, and some have programs to prepare female citizens for foreign service and to find jobs abroad. There are a number of factors that attract poor women to do overseas work. There are plenty of jobs for domestics in wealthier countries because so many women there have gone to work in what was once a largely male economy. Job opportunities are even greater in First World countries, because governments have not instituted programs to help their working women with child care and other domestic needs; men have not stepped in to fill the gap at home; and men have created a demand for sex-for-hire workers. In addition, as the wealth gap between rich and poor countries grows, women from poor countries can make many times the amount of money they could earn at home by taking jobs abroad. Women may also be "pushed" to leave their countries in order to work abroad. Some leave to escape abuse at home. Many women who leave are well educated but had found no reasonably paid opportunities. In "Global Women in the New Economy," Ehrenreich and Hochschild report that Third World women working as maids and nannies in America have caused the American children they care for to feel stress, because such women are foreign and cannot understand how to treat their American charges.

Q: Global Women in the New Economy BARBARA EHRENREICH AND ARLIE RUSSELL HOCHSCHILD Summary In this selection, Barbara Ehrenreich and Arlie Hochschild look at an important aspect of globalization: the movement of poor women from Third World societies to wealthier nations. Published as the introduction to Global Women: Nannies, Maids, and Sex Workers in the New Economy, the piece begins with the story of a Sri Lankan woman serving as a nanny to a two-year-old child in Greece. The subject of a documentary film, When Mother Comes Home for Christmas, Josephene Perera has been a migrant worker for 10 years. She earns enough to support her three children at home, but only gets to see them once a year. Over time two of her children show signs of distress. Despite this, she returns once again to her job in Greece, trading a life of poverty at home for money in a distant land. Put another way, she gives up her family life to make one for parents who work full time in a wealthy nation. The authors stress several points about the flow of immigrant workers over the last few years. Movement has occurred between poor and rich countries. The international workforce, once largely consisting of men, now includes a substantial number of women, laboring as domestics, nannies, and sex-for-hire workers. The change marks a different relationship between rich and poor nations. Once rich nations mined poor ones for their natural resources; now they mine them for people. Four migration patterns stand out: one is the flow of workers from Southeast Asia to the Middle and Far East; a second from Eastern to Western Europe; a third from South and Central America to North America; and a fourth from Africa to Europe. In many of these places, foreign workers have taken domestic jobs once held by local people. For example, in America maids and nannies were once largely the domain of black women. These jobs are now largely filled by Latinas. Poor countries have come to value the money sent home by their citizens working abroad, and some have programs to prepare female citizens for foreign service and to find jobs abroad. There are a number of factors that attract poor women to do overseas work. There are plenty of jobs for domestics in wealthier countries because so many women there have gone to work in what was once a largely male economy. Job opportunities are even greater in First World countries, because governments have not instituted programs to help their working women with child care and other domestic needs; men have not stepped in to fill the gap at home; and men have created a demand for sex-for-hire workers. In addition, as the wealth gap between rich and poor countries grows, women from poor countries can make many times the amount of money they could earn at home by taking jobs abroad. Women may also be "pushed" to leave their countries in order to work abroad. Some leave to escape abuse at home. Many women who leave are well educated but had found no reasonably paid opportunities. According to Ehrenreich and Hochschild in "Global Women in the New Economy," Third World governments have attempted to prevent their female citizens from migrating because the latter are causing massive social breakdown by leaving their children and families.

Q: Global Women in the New Economy BARBARA EHRENREICH AND ARLIE RUSSELL HOCHSCHILD Summary In this selection, Barbara Ehrenreich and Arlie Hochschild look at an important aspect of globalization: the movement of poor women from Third World societies to wealthier nations. Published as the introduction to Global Women: Nannies, Maids, and Sex Workers in the New Economy, the piece begins with the story of a Sri Lankan woman serving as a nanny to a two-year-old child in Greece. The subject of a documentary film, When Mother Comes Home for Christmas, Josephene Perera has been a migrant worker for 10 years. She earns enough to support her three children at home, but only gets to see them once a year. Over time two of her children show signs of distress. Despite this, she returns once again to her job in Greece, trading a life of poverty at home for money in a distant land. Put another way, she gives up her family life to make one for parents who work full time in a wealthy nation. The authors stress several points about the flow of immigrant workers over the last few years. Movement has occurred between poor and rich countries. The international workforce, once largely consisting of men, now includes a substantial number of women, laboring as domestics, nannies, and sex-for-hire workers. The change marks a different relationship between rich and poor nations. Once rich nations mined poor ones for their natural resources; now they mine them for people. Four migration patterns stand out: one is the flow of workers from Southeast Asia to the Middle and Far East; a second from Eastern to Western Europe; a third from South and Central America to North America; and a fourth from Africa to Europe. In many of these places, foreign workers have taken domestic jobs once held by local people. For example, in America maids and nannies were once largely the domain of black women. These jobs are now largely filled by Latinas. Poor countries have come to value the money sent home by their citizens working abroad, and some have programs to prepare female citizens for foreign service and to find jobs abroad. There are a number of factors that attract poor women to do overseas work. There are plenty of jobs for domestics in wealthier countries because so many women there have gone to work in what was once a largely male economy. Job opportunities are even greater in First World countries, because governments have not instituted programs to help their working women with child care and other domestic needs; men have not stepped in to fill the gap at home; and men have created a demand for sex-for-hire workers. In addition, as the wealth gap between rich and poor countries grows, women from poor countries can make many times the amount of money they could earn at home by taking jobs abroad. Women may also be "pushed" to leave their countries in order to work abroad. Some leave to escape abuse at home. Many women who leave are well educated but had found no reasonably paid opportunities. In "Global Women in the New Economy," Ehrenreich and Hochschild note that many women from wealthy societies have succeeded in the "tough" male world but have turned over the care of their children, elderly parents, and homes to women from the Third World.

Q: Global Women in the New Economy BARBARA EHRENREICH AND ARLIE RUSSELL HOCHSCHILD Summary In this selection, Barbara Ehrenreich and Arlie Hochschild look at an important aspect of globalization: the movement of poor women from Third World societies to wealthier nations. Published as the introduction to Global Women: Nannies, Maids, and Sex Workers in the New Economy, the piece begins with the story of a Sri Lankan woman serving as a nanny to a two-year-old child in Greece. The subject of a documentary film, When Mother Comes Home for Christmas, Josephene Perera has been a migrant worker for 10 years. She earns enough to support her three children at home, but only gets to see them once a year. Over time two of her children show signs of distress. Despite this, she returns once again to her job in Greece, trading a life of poverty at home for money in a distant land. Put another way, she gives up her family life to make one for parents who work full time in a wealthy nation. The authors stress several points about the flow of immigrant workers over the last few years. Movement has occurred between poor and rich countries. The international workforce, once largely consisting of men, now includes a substantial number of women, laboring as domestics, nannies, and sex-for-hire workers. The change marks a different relationship between rich and poor nations. Once rich nations mined poor ones for their natural resources; now they mine them for people. Four migration patterns stand out: one is the flow of workers from Southeast Asia to the Middle and Far East; a second from Eastern to Western Europe; a third from South and Central America to North America; and a fourth from Africa to Europe. In many of these places, foreign workers have taken domestic jobs once held by local people. For example, in America maids and nannies were once largely the domain of black women. These jobs are now largely filled by Latinas. Poor countries have come to value the money sent home by their citizens working abroad, and some have programs to prepare female citizens for foreign service and to find jobs abroad. There are a number of factors that attract poor women to do overseas work. There are plenty of jobs for domestics in wealthier countries because so many women there have gone to work in what was once a largely male economy. Job opportunities are even greater in First World countries, because governments have not instituted programs to help their working women with child care and other domestic needs; men have not stepped in to fill the gap at home; and men have created a demand for sex-for-hire workers. In addition, as the wealth gap between rich and poor countries grows, women from poor countries can make many times the amount of money they could earn at home by taking jobs abroad. Women may also be "pushed" to leave their countries in order to work abroad. Some leave to escape abuse at home. Many women who leave are well educated but had found no reasonably paid opportunities. In "Global Women in the New Economy," Ehrenreich and Hochschild argue that most women who migrate from poor countries to rich ones cannot get work in their home countries because they are so poorly educated.

Q: Global Women in the New Economy BARBARA EHRENREICH AND ARLIE RUSSELL HOCHSCHILD Summary In this selection, Barbara Ehrenreich and Arlie Hochschild look at an important aspect of globalization: the movement of poor women from Third World societies to wealthier nations. Published as the introduction to Global Women: Nannies, Maids, and Sex Workers in the New Economy, the piece begins with the story of a Sri Lankan woman serving as a nanny to a two-year-old child in Greece. The subject of a documentary film, When Mother Comes Home for Christmas, Josephene Perera has been a migrant worker for 10 years. She earns enough to support her three children at home, but only gets to see them once a year. Over time two of her children show signs of distress. Despite this, she returns once again to her job in Greece, trading a life of poverty at home for money in a distant land. Put another way, she gives up her family life to make one for parents who work full time in a wealthy nation. The authors stress several points about the flow of immigrant workers over the last few years. Movement has occurred between poor and rich countries. The international workforce, once largely consisting of men, now includes a substantial number of women, laboring as domestics, nannies, and sex-for-hire workers. The change marks a different relationship between rich and poor nations. Once rich nations mined poor ones for their natural resources; now they mine them for people. Four migration patterns stand out: one is the flow of workers from Southeast Asia to the Middle and Far East; a second from Eastern to Western Europe; a third from South and Central America to North America; and a fourth from Africa to Europe. In many of these places, foreign workers have taken domestic jobs once held by local people. For example, in America maids and nannies were once largely the domain of black women. These jobs are now largely filled by Latinas. Poor countries have come to value the money sent home by their citizens working abroad, and some have programs to prepare female citizens for foreign service and to find jobs abroad. There are a number of factors that attract poor women to do overseas work. There are plenty of jobs for domestics in wealthier countries because so many women there have gone to work in what was once a largely male economy. Job opportunities are even greater in First World countries, because governments have not instituted programs to help their working women with child care and other domestic needs; men have not stepped in to fill the gap at home; and men have created a demand for sex-for-hire workers. In addition, as the wealth gap between rich and poor countries grows, women from poor countries can make many times the amount of money they could earn at home by taking jobs abroad. Women may also be "pushed" to leave their countries in order to work abroad. Some leave to escape abuse at home. Many women who leave are well educated but had found no reasonably paid opportunities. According to Ehrenreich and Hochschild in their selection, "Global Women in the New Economy," millions of women now migrate from poor countries to work in rich ones.

Q: Nuer Refugees in America DIANNA SHANDY Summary In this article updated in 2015, Dianna Shandy, who has conducted ethnographic research among Nuer refugees in the upper Midwest since 1997, looks at what their status as refugees means, how they managed to come to the United States, why they were located in more than 30 different U.S. states, how a people raised as cattle herders survive and adapt to life in a U.S. urban setting, and what this tells us about "the interconnectedness of a globalizing world and anthropology's role in it." Although no special categories were assigned to people who first migrated to the United States (they were all simply called immigrants), today there are at least two categories , migrants and refugees based on their reasons for coming here. The United Nations (UN) defines refugees as people who have left a country because of a well-founded fear of persecution based on race; religion; nationality; membership in a particular social group; or political opinion. They are not merely IDPs (internally displaced persons) who have left home but are willing to return. To manage the refugee "problem" (by 2014 there were 60 million refugees in the world), there is a UN agency headed by a high commissioner for refugees (UNHCR). The UN and many countries see three solutions for refugee placement: voluntary repatriation, integration into a country of asylum, or rarely, third-country resettlement. Typically, refugees are first housed in camps, and then certified for resettlement. The United States takes in a limited number of refugees and employs the UN criteria for refugee certification. But decisions about who is eligible vary, based on officials' interpretations of the criteria and ever shifting resettlement policies. Officials also must deal with cross-cultural differences and language barriers as they decide who is a refugee and who is an "economic refugee" (someone whose main motive to move is for economic advantage). The Nuer who live in the United States have made it through this bureaucratic process. Thok Ding, who is mentioned in the article, was brought up herding cattle in a Nuer pastoral village, experienced the death of his father when northerners attacked his village, moved with his family to a camp in Ethiopia, attended and excelled at a Christian mission school there, moved to another camp for further schooling, moved back to the Sudan with his family when fighting broke out in Ethiopia, traveled back to Addis Ababa where he joined friends, moved to a camp in Kenya, applied for refugee status with the UN there, and was eventually accepted for refugee resettlement by the United States. His arrival and settlement in the United States was facilitated by Lutheran Social Services, a volunteer organization ("volag" to insiders) contracted by the United States. Helped by the organization, he was placed in Minneapolis, settled in an apartment, and guided toward a job. Later he left Minneapolis for Des Moines and a job in the meat packing industry, where he hopes to continue his education, save money, marry a woman from the South Sudan, and bring his family, with whom he corresponds frequently and to whom he sends money, to the United States. The case illustrates several points. Refugee issues are complex and varied, and involve endless bureaucratic hurdles. Refugees who manage to gain resettlement (many do not) must be tenacious, ambitious, clever, and opportunistic. The Nuer make successful refugees because many possess these characteristics. According to Shandy in "Nuer Refugees in America," the UN has several categories of refugees. The refugee most likely to be accepted for resettlement in a second country is called an "economic refugee."

Q: Nuer Refugees in America DIANNA SHANDY Summary In this article updated in 2015, Dianna Shandy, who has conducted ethnographic research among Nuer refugees in the upper Midwest since 1997, looks at what their status as refugees means, how they managed to come to the United States, why they were located in more than 30 different U.S. states, how a people raised as cattle herders survive and adapt to life in a U.S. urban setting, and what this tells us about "the interconnectedness of a globalizing world and anthropology's role in it." Although no special categories were assigned to people who first migrated to the United States (they were all simply called immigrants), today there are at least two categories , migrants and refugees based on their reasons for coming here. The United Nations (UN) defines refugees as people who have left a country because of a well-founded fear of persecution based on race; religion; nationality; membership in a particular social group; or political opinion. They are not merely IDPs (internally displaced persons) who have left home but are willing to return. To manage the refugee "problem" (by 2014 there were 60 million refugees in the world), there is a UN agency headed by a high commissioner for refugees (UNHCR). The UN and many countries see three solutions for refugee placement: voluntary repatriation, integration into a country of asylum, or rarely, third-country resettlement. Typically, refugees are first housed in camps, and then certified for resettlement. The United States takes in a limited number of refugees and employs the UN criteria for refugee certification. But decisions about who is eligible vary, based on officials' interpretations of the criteria and ever shifting resettlement policies. Officials also must deal with cross-cultural differences and language barriers as they decide who is a refugee and who is an "economic refugee" (someone whose main motive to move is for economic advantage). The Nuer who live in the United States have made it through this bureaucratic process. Thok Ding, who is mentioned in the article, was brought up herding cattle in a Nuer pastoral village, experienced the death of his father when northerners attacked his village, moved with his family to a camp in Ethiopia, attended and excelled at a Christian mission school there, moved to another camp for further schooling, moved back to the Sudan with his family when fighting broke out in Ethiopia, traveled back to Addis Ababa where he joined friends, moved to a camp in Kenya, applied for refugee status with the UN there, and was eventually accepted for refugee resettlement by the United States. His arrival and settlement in the United States was facilitated by Lutheran Social Services, a volunteer organization ("volag" to insiders) contracted by the United States. Helped by the organization, he was placed in Minneapolis, settled in an apartment, and guided toward a job. Later he left Minneapolis for Des Moines and a job in the meat packing industry, where he hopes to continue his education, save money, marry a woman from the South Sudan, and bring his family, with whom he corresponds frequently and to whom he sends money, to the United States. The case illustrates several points. Refugee issues are complex and varied, and involve endless bureaucratic hurdles. Refugees who manage to gain resettlement (many do not) must be tenacious, ambitious, clever, and opportunistic. The Nuer make successful refugees because many possess these characteristics. In "Nuer Refugees in America," Shandy reports that Thok Ding was finally resettled in the United States after his father was killed in the Sudanese civil war; he attended school in Ethiopia, and lived in a refugee camp in Kenya.

Q: Nuer Refugees in America DIANNA SHANDY Summary In this article updated in 2015, Dianna Shandy, who has conducted ethnographic research among Nuer refugees in the upper Midwest since 1997, looks at what their status as refugees means, how they managed to come to the United States, why they were located in more than 30 different U.S. states, how a people raised as cattle herders survive and adapt to life in a U.S. urban setting, and what this tells us about "the interconnectedness of a globalizing world and anthropology's role in it." Although no special categories were assigned to people who first migrated to the United States (they were all simply called immigrants), today there are at least two categories , migrants and refugees based on their reasons for coming here. The United Nations (UN) defines refugees as people who have left a country because of a well-founded fear of persecution based on race; religion; nationality; membership in a particular social group; or political opinion. They are not merely IDPs (internally displaced persons) who have left home but are willing to return. To manage the refugee "problem" (by 2014 there were 60 million refugees in the world), there is a UN agency headed by a high commissioner for refugees (UNHCR). The UN and many countries see three solutions for refugee placement: voluntary repatriation, integration into a country of asylum, or rarely, third-country resettlement. Typically, refugees are first housed in camps, and then certified for resettlement. The United States takes in a limited number of refugees and employs the UN criteria for refugee certification. But decisions about who is eligible vary, based on officials' interpretations of the criteria and ever shifting resettlement policies. Officials also must deal with cross-cultural differences and language barriers as they decide who is a refugee and who is an "economic refugee" (someone whose main motive to move is for economic advantage). The Nuer who live in the United States have made it through this bureaucratic process. Thok Ding, who is mentioned in the article, was brought up herding cattle in a Nuer pastoral village, experienced the death of his father when northerners attacked his village, moved with his family to a camp in Ethiopia, attended and excelled at a Christian mission school there, moved to another camp for further schooling, moved back to the Sudan with his family when fighting broke out in Ethiopia, traveled back to Addis Ababa where he joined friends, moved to a camp in Kenya, applied for refugee status with the UN there, and was eventually accepted for refugee resettlement by the United States. His arrival and settlement in the United States was facilitated by Lutheran Social Services, a volunteer organization ("volag" to insiders) contracted by the United States. Helped by the organization, he was placed in Minneapolis, settled in an apartment, and guided toward a job. Later he left Minneapolis for Des Moines and a job in the meat packing industry, where he hopes to continue his education, save money, marry a woman from the South Sudan, and bring his family, with whom he corresponds frequently and to whom he sends money, to the United States. The case illustrates several points. Refugee issues are complex and varied, and involve endless bureaucratic hurdles. Refugees who manage to gain resettlement (many do not) must be tenacious, ambitious, clever, and opportunistic. The Nuer make successful refugees because many possess these characteristics. In "Nuer Refugees in America," Shandy argues that the only ways refugees can gain resettlement in another country is by having a useful skill needed by the country, or by the intervention of relatives or friends who guarantee they will provide the refugees with jobs.

Q: Nuer Refugees in America DIANNA SHANDY Summary In this article updated in 2015, Dianna Shandy, who has conducted ethnographic research among Nuer refugees in the upper Midwest since 1997, looks at what their status as refugees means, how they managed to come to the United States, why they were located in more than 30 different U.S. states, how a people raised as cattle herders survive and adapt to life in a U.S. urban setting, and what this tells us about "the interconnectedness of a globalizing world and anthropology's role in it." Although no special categories were assigned to people who first migrated to the United States (they were all simply called immigrants), today there are at least two categories , migrants and refugees based on their reasons for coming here. The United Nations (UN) defines refugees as people who have left a country because of a well-founded fear of persecution based on race; religion; nationality; membership in a particular social group; or political opinion. They are not merely IDPs (internally displaced persons) who have left home but are willing to return. To manage the refugee "problem" (by 2014 there were 60 million refugees in the world), there is a UN agency headed by a high commissioner for refugees (UNHCR). The UN and many countries see three solutions for refugee placement: voluntary repatriation, integration into a country of asylum, or rarely, third-country resettlement. Typically, refugees are first housed in camps, and then certified for resettlement. The United States takes in a limited number of refugees and employs the UN criteria for refugee certification. But decisions about who is eligible vary, based on officials' interpretations of the criteria and ever shifting resettlement policies. Officials also must deal with cross-cultural differences and language barriers as they decide who is a refugee and who is an "economic refugee" (someone whose main motive to move is for economic advantage). The Nuer who live in the United States have made it through this bureaucratic process. Thok Ding, who is mentioned in the article, was brought up herding cattle in a Nuer pastoral village, experienced the death of his father when northerners attacked his village, moved with his family to a camp in Ethiopia, attended and excelled at a Christian mission school there, moved to another camp for further schooling, moved back to the Sudan with his family when fighting broke out in Ethiopia, traveled back to Addis Ababa where he joined friends, moved to a camp in Kenya, applied for refugee status with the UN there, and was eventually accepted for refugee resettlement by the United States. His arrival and settlement in the United States was facilitated by Lutheran Social Services, a volunteer organization ("volag" to insiders) contracted by the United States. Helped by the organization, he was placed in Minneapolis, settled in an apartment, and guided toward a job. Later he left Minneapolis for Des Moines and a job in the meat packing industry, where he hopes to continue his education, save money, marry a woman from the South Sudan, and bring his family, with whom he corresponds frequently and to whom he sends money, to the United States. The case illustrates several points. Refugee issues are complex and varied, and involve endless bureaucratic hurdles. Refugees who manage to gain resettlement (many do not) must be tenacious, ambitious, clever, and opportunistic. The Nuer make successful refugees because many possess these characteristics. According to Shandy in "Nuer Refugees in America," the UN looks at three possible solutions to the refugee problem: voluntary repatriation to the country of origin, integration into a country of asylum, or third-country resettlement.

Q: Nuer Refugees in America DIANNA SHANDY Summary In this article updated in 2015, Dianna Shandy, who has conducted ethnographic research among Nuer refugees in the upper Midwest since 1997, looks at what their status as refugees means, how they managed to come to the United States, why they were located in more than 30 different U.S. states, how a people raised as cattle herders survive and adapt to life in a U.S. urban setting, and what this tells us about "the interconnectedness of a globalizing world and anthropology's role in it." Although no special categories were assigned to people who first migrated to the United States (they were all simply called immigrants), today there are at least two categories , migrants and refugees based on their reasons for coming here. The United Nations (UN) defines refugees as people who have left a country because of a well-founded fear of persecution based on race; religion; nationality; membership in a particular social group; or political opinion. They are not merely IDPs (internally displaced persons) who have left home but are willing to return. To manage the refugee "problem" (by 2014 there were 60 million refugees in the world), there is a UN agency headed by a high commissioner for refugees (UNHCR). The UN and many countries see three solutions for refugee placement: voluntary repatriation, integration into a country of asylum, or rarely, third-country resettlement. Typically, refugees are first housed in camps, and then certified for resettlement. The United States takes in a limited number of refugees and employs the UN criteria for refugee certification. But decisions about who is eligible vary, based on officials' interpretations of the criteria and ever shifting resettlement policies. Officials also must deal with cross-cultural differences and language barriers as they decide who is a refugee and who is an "economic refugee" (someone whose main motive to move is for economic advantage). The Nuer who live in the United States have made it through this bureaucratic process. Thok Ding, who is mentioned in the article, was brought up herding cattle in a Nuer pastoral village, experienced the death of his father when northerners attacked his village, moved with his family to a camp in Ethiopia, attended and excelled at a Christian mission school there, moved to another camp for further schooling, moved back to the Sudan with his family when fighting broke out in Ethiopia, traveled back to Addis Ababa where he joined friends, moved to a camp in Kenya, applied for refugee status with the UN there, and was eventually accepted for refugee resettlement by the United States. His arrival and settlement in the United States was facilitated by Lutheran Social Services, a volunteer organization ("volag" to insiders) contracted by the United States. Helped by the organization, he was placed in Minneapolis, settled in an apartment, and guided toward a job. Later he left Minneapolis for Des Moines and a job in the meat packing industry, where he hopes to continue his education, save money, marry a woman from the South Sudan, and bring his family, with whom he corresponds frequently and to whom he sends money, to the United States. The case illustrates several points. Refugee issues are complex and varied, and involve endless bureaucratic hurdles. Refugees who manage to gain resettlement (many do not) must be tenacious, ambitious, clever, and opportunistic. The Nuer make successful refugees because many possess these characteristics. According to Shandy in "Nuer Refugees in America," the first anthropologist to conduct and publish extensive ethnography about the Nuer was Sir E. E. Evans-Pritchard.

Q: Nuer Refugees in America DIANNA SHANDY Summary In this article updated in 2015, Dianna Shandy, who has conducted ethnographic research among Nuer refugees in the upper Midwest since 1997, looks at what their status as refugees means, how they managed to come to the United States, why they were located in more than 30 different U.S. states, how a people raised as cattle herders survive and adapt to life in a U.S. urban setting, and what this tells us about "the interconnectedness of a globalizing world and anthropology's role in it." Although no special categories were assigned to people who first migrated to the United States (they were all simply called immigrants), today there are at least two categories , migrants and refugees based on their reasons for coming here. The United Nations (UN) defines refugees as people who have left a country because of a well-founded fear of persecution based on race; religion; nationality; membership in a particular social group; or political opinion. They are not merely IDPs (internally displaced persons) who have left home but are willing to return. To manage the refugee "problem" (by 2014 there were 60 million refugees in the world), there is a UN agency headed by a high commissioner for refugees (UNHCR). The UN and many countries see three solutions for refugee placement: voluntary repatriation, integration into a country of asylum, or rarely, third-country resettlement. Typically, refugees are first housed in camps, and then certified for resettlement. The United States takes in a limited number of refugees and employs the UN criteria for refugee certification. But decisions about who is eligible vary, based on officials' interpretations of the criteria and ever shifting resettlement policies. Officials also must deal with cross-cultural differences and language barriers as they decide who is a refugee and who is an "economic refugee" (someone whose main motive to move is for economic advantage). The Nuer who live in the United States have made it through this bureaucratic process. Thok Ding, who is mentioned in the article, was brought up herding cattle in a Nuer pastoral village, experienced the death of his father when northerners attacked his village, moved with his family to a camp in Ethiopia, attended and excelled at a Christian mission school there, moved to another camp for further schooling, moved back to the Sudan with his family when fighting broke out in Ethiopia, traveled back to Addis Ababa where he joined friends, moved to a camp in Kenya, applied for refugee status with the UN there, and was eventually accepted for refugee resettlement by the United States. His arrival and settlement in the United States was facilitated by Lutheran Social Services, a volunteer organization ("volag" to insiders) contracted by the United States. Helped by the organization, he was placed in Minneapolis, settled in an apartment, and guided toward a job. Later he left Minneapolis for Des Moines and a job in the meat packing industry, where he hopes to continue his education, save money, marry a woman from the South Sudan, and bring his family, with whom he corresponds frequently and to whom he sends money, to the United States. The case illustrates several points. Refugee issues are complex and varied, and involve endless bureaucratic hurdles. Refugees who manage to gain resettlement (many do not) must be tenacious, ambitious, clever, and opportunistic. The Nuer make successful refugees because many possess these characteristics. In "Nuer Refugees in America," Shandy notes that the UN defines refugees as IDPs, meaning "internally displaced persons."

Q: Nuer Refugees in America DIANNA SHANDY Summary In this article updated in 2015, Dianna Shandy, who has conducted ethnographic research among Nuer refugees in the upper Midwest since 1997, looks at what their status as refugees means, how they managed to come to the United States, why they were located in more than 30 different U.S. states, how a people raised as cattle herders survive and adapt to life in a U.S. urban setting, and what this tells us about "the interconnectedness of a globalizing world and anthropology's role in it." Although no special categories were assigned to people who first migrated to the United States (they were all simply called immigrants), today there are at least two categories , migrants and refugees based on their reasons for coming here. The United Nations (UN) defines refugees as people who have left a country because of a well-founded fear of persecution based on race; religion; nationality; membership in a particular social group; or political opinion. They are not merely IDPs (internally displaced persons) who have left home but are willing to return. To manage the refugee "problem" (by 2014 there were 60 million refugees in the world), there is a UN agency headed by a high commissioner for refugees (UNHCR). The UN and many countries see three solutions for refugee placement: voluntary repatriation, integration into a country of asylum, or rarely, third-country resettlement. Typically, refugees are first housed in camps, and then certified for resettlement. The United States takes in a limited number of refugees and employs the UN criteria for refugee certification. But decisions about who is eligible vary, based on officials' interpretations of the criteria and ever shifting resettlement policies. Officials also must deal with cross-cultural differences and language barriers as they decide who is a refugee and who is an "economic refugee" (someone whose main motive to move is for economic advantage). The Nuer who live in the United States have made it through this bureaucratic process. Thok Ding, who is mentioned in the article, was brought up herding cattle in a Nuer pastoral village, experienced the death of his father when northerners attacked his village, moved with his family to a camp in Ethiopia, attended and excelled at a Christian mission school there, moved to another camp for further schooling, moved back to the Sudan with his family when fighting broke out in Ethiopia, traveled back to Addis Ababa where he joined friends, moved to a camp in Kenya, applied for refugee status with the UN there, and was eventually accepted for refugee resettlement by the United States. His arrival and settlement in the United States was facilitated by Lutheran Social Services, a volunteer organization ("volag" to insiders) contracted by the United States. Helped by the organization, he was placed in Minneapolis, settled in an apartment, and guided toward a job. Later he left Minneapolis for Des Moines and a job in the meat packing industry, where he hopes to continue his education, save money, marry a woman from the South Sudan, and bring his family, with whom he corresponds frequently and to whom he sends money, to the United States. The case illustrates several points. Refugee issues are complex and varied, and involve endless bureaucratic hurdles. Refugees who manage to gain resettlement (many do not) must be tenacious, ambitious, clever, and opportunistic. The Nuer make successful refugees because many possess these characteristics. According to Shandy in "Nuer Refugees in America," Nuer refugees have been sent to the United States by Christian missionaries who live in South Sudan.

Q: Nuer Refugees in America DIANNA SHANDY Summary In this article updated in 2015, Dianna Shandy, who has conducted ethnographic research among Nuer refugees in the upper Midwest since 1997, looks at what their status as refugees means, how they managed to come to the United States, why they were located in more than 30 different U.S. states, how a people raised as cattle herders survive and adapt to life in a U.S. urban setting, and what this tells us about "the interconnectedness of a globalizing world and anthropology's role in it." Although no special categories were assigned to people who first migrated to the United States (they were all simply called immigrants), today there are at least two categories , migrants and refugees based on their reasons for coming here. The United Nations (UN) defines refugees as people who have left a country because of a well-founded fear of persecution based on race; religion; nationality; membership in a particular social group; or political opinion. They are not merely IDPs (internally displaced persons) who have left home but are willing to return. To manage the refugee "problem" (by 2014 there were 60 million refugees in the world), there is a UN agency headed by a high commissioner for refugees (UNHCR). The UN and many countries see three solutions for refugee placement: voluntary repatriation, integration into a country of asylum, or rarely, third-country resettlement. Typically, refugees are first housed in camps, and then certified for resettlement. The United States takes in a limited number of refugees and employs the UN criteria for refugee certification. But decisions about who is eligible vary, based on officials' interpretations of the criteria and ever shifting resettlement policies. Officials also must deal with cross-cultural differences and language barriers as they decide who is a refugee and who is an "economic refugee" (someone whose main motive to move is for economic advantage). The Nuer who live in the United States have made it through this bureaucratic process. Thok Ding, who is mentioned in the article, was brought up herding cattle in a Nuer pastoral village, experienced the death of his father when northerners attacked his village, moved with his family to a camp in Ethiopia, attended and excelled at a Christian mission school there, moved to another camp for further schooling, moved back to the Sudan with his family when fighting broke out in Ethiopia, traveled back to Addis Ababa where he joined friends, moved to a camp in Kenya, applied for refugee status with the UN there, and was eventually accepted for refugee resettlement by the United States. His arrival and settlement in the United States was facilitated by Lutheran Social Services, a volunteer organization ("volag" to insiders) contracted by the United States. Helped by the organization, he was placed in Minneapolis, settled in an apartment, and guided toward a job. Later he left Minneapolis for Des Moines and a job in the meat packing industry, where he hopes to continue his education, save money, marry a woman from the South Sudan, and bring his family, with whom he corresponds frequently and to whom he sends money, to the United States. The case illustrates several points. Refugee issues are complex and varied, and involve endless bureaucratic hurdles. Refugees who manage to gain resettlement (many do not) must be tenacious, ambitious, clever, and opportunistic. The Nuer make successful refugees because many possess these characteristics. According to Shandy in "Nuer Refugees in America," the Nuer refugees who have been resettled in the United States were originally a pastoral people living in South Sudan.

Q: Village Walks: Tourism and Globalization among the Tharu of Nepal ARJUN GUNERATNE AND KATE BJORK Summary Arjun Guneratne and Kate Bjork focus on what it was like for an ethnic group, the Tharu, to become the objects of tourists' curiosity (the "tourist gaze"). The article describes tourists arriving in Pipariya, a Tharu village located near the Chitwan National Forest in Nepal's tarai region in 1989. They report on what the tour guide says and how the tourists and villagers respond. The so-called "village walk" is a good example of cultural tourism (there is also recreational, medical, religious, eco-, and sex tourism). It is usually one stop on a more broadly structured tour of Nepal's mountains, cities, and the Chitwan forest itself. The authors stress the importance of the anthropological study of tourism as a significant part of globalization research. They point out that nearly 100 million people go on tour every year and spend billions of dollars. Their impact on local economies as well as on people's ways of life represents a significant globalizing force. From the Tharu's point of view, the way they are characterized by Nepal's tourist industry is both significant and humiliating. Originally the tarai was a heavily forested area bordering the foothills and valleys of the Himalayan Mountains. Despite the land made inhospitable by malaria, the Tharu still managed to settle there, tilling small forest plots and hunting for their subsistence. All this changed in the 1950s when the insecticide DDT largely eradicated the mosquitoes that carried malaria. As a result, settlers from Nepal's hills and India's plains soon infiltrated the area and cleared most of the land for cultivation. Settlers soon outnumbered the Tharu, who adapted to the newcomers. Tharu now worked in tourist hotels and farmed in the same way as other rural Nepalese, and their children attended school. For the tourist industry, however, the Tharu past seemed like a natural tourist attraction. Tourist brochures claimed that the Tharu were "a primitive native people" who were "untouched by civilization." Tour guides echoed this view as they walked tourists through Pipariya. In addition, most guides belonged to Nepal's two highest-ranked ethnic groups, the Brahmin and Chhetri, and treated the Tharu as inferiors. They brought tourists into Tharu houses without permission and treated those inside with disrespect. Tourists themselves were largely ignorant of the Tharu and occasionally treated villagers like zoo exhibits. From the Tharu perspective, tourists could usually be tolerated as guests. (There is no word for "tourist" in their language; they call them "guests.") Their greatest concern was the negative way they were portrayed by the tourist industry. In 2009, one of the authors revisited Pipariya and encountered a different picture. The Tharu had constructed a small museum. Museum exhibits represented how they used to live, successfully divorcing their past from the present. (The "tourist gaze" often makes people more aware of their culture and its past.) The museum was the first place that tourists visited and deflected most of them away from the village's residential compounds. Globalization had also impacted the Tharu in other ways. Many young men have gone to work in foreign countries and send money home regularly. A few have even managed to acquire green cards for work and residence in the United States. In "Village Walks," Guneratne and Bjork conclude that when people are the object of the "tourist gaze," they become more aware of their own culture and group identity.

Q: Village Walks: Tourism and Globalization among the Tharu of Nepal ARJUN GUNERATNE AND KATE BJORK Summary Arjun Guneratne and Kate Bjork focus on what it was like for an ethnic group, the Tharu, to become the objects of tourists' curiosity (the "tourist gaze"). The article describes tourists arriving in Pipariya, a Tharu village located near the Chitwan National Forest in Nepal's tarai region in 1989. They report on what the tour guide says and how the tourists and villagers respond. The so-called "village walk" is a good example of cultural tourism (there is also recreational, medical, religious, eco-, and sex tourism). It is usually one stop on a more broadly structured tour of Nepal's mountains, cities, and the Chitwan forest itself. The authors stress the importance of the anthropological study of tourism as a significant part of globalization research. They point out that nearly 100 million people go on tour every year and spend billions of dollars. Their impact on local economies as well as on people's ways of life represents a significant globalizing force. From the Tharu's point of view, the way they are characterized by Nepal's tourist industry is both significant and humiliating. Originally the tarai was a heavily forested area bordering the foothills and valleys of the Himalayan Mountains. Despite the land made inhospitable by malaria, the Tharu still managed to settle there, tilling small forest plots and hunting for their subsistence. All this changed in the 1950s when the insecticide DDT largely eradicated the mosquitoes that carried malaria. As a result, settlers from Nepal's hills and India's plains soon infiltrated the area and cleared most of the land for cultivation. Settlers soon outnumbered the Tharu, who adapted to the newcomers. Tharu now worked in tourist hotels and farmed in the same way as other rural Nepalese, and their children attended school. For the tourist industry, however, the Tharu past seemed like a natural tourist attraction. Tourist brochures claimed that the Tharu were "a primitive native people" who were "untouched by civilization." Tour guides echoed this view as they walked tourists through Pipariya. In addition, most guides belonged to Nepal's two highest-ranked ethnic groups, the Brahmin and Chhetri, and treated the Tharu as inferiors. They brought tourists into Tharu houses without permission and treated those inside with disrespect. Tourists themselves were largely ignorant of the Tharu and occasionally treated villagers like zoo exhibits. From the Tharu perspective, tourists could usually be tolerated as guests. (There is no word for "tourist" in their language; they call them "guests.") Their greatest concern was the negative way they were portrayed by the tourist industry. In 2009, one of the authors revisited Pipariya and encountered a different picture. The Tharu had constructed a small museum. Museum exhibits represented how they used to live, successfully divorcing their past from the present. (The "tourist gaze" often makes people more aware of their culture and its past.) The museum was the first place that tourists visited and deflected most of them away from the village's residential compounds. Globalization had also impacted the Tharu in other ways. Many young men have gone to work in foreign countries and send money home regularly. A few have even managed to acquire green cards for work and residence in the United States. According to Guneratne and Bjork in "Village Walks," most foreign tourists failed to detect a difference between Brahmin and Tharu houses in Pipariya.

Q: Village Walks: Tourism and Globalization among the Tharu of Nepal ARJUN GUNERATNE AND KATE BJORK Summary Arjun Guneratne and Kate Bjork focus on what it was like for an ethnic group, the Tharu, to become the objects of tourists' curiosity (the "tourist gaze"). The article describes tourists arriving in Pipariya, a Tharu village located near the Chitwan National Forest in Nepal's tarai region in 1989. They report on what the tour guide says and how the tourists and villagers respond. The so-called "village walk" is a good example of cultural tourism (there is also recreational, medical, religious, eco-, and sex tourism). It is usually one stop on a more broadly structured tour of Nepal's mountains, cities, and the Chitwan forest itself. The authors stress the importance of the anthropological study of tourism as a significant part of globalization research. They point out that nearly 100 million people go on tour every year and spend billions of dollars. Their impact on local economies as well as on people's ways of life represents a significant globalizing force. From the Tharu's point of view, the way they are characterized by Nepal's tourist industry is both significant and humiliating. Originally the tarai was a heavily forested area bordering the foothills and valleys of the Himalayan Mountains. Despite the land made inhospitable by malaria, the Tharu still managed to settle there, tilling small forest plots and hunting for their subsistence. All this changed in the 1950s when the insecticide DDT largely eradicated the mosquitoes that carried malaria. As a result, settlers from Nepal's hills and India's plains soon infiltrated the area and cleared most of the land for cultivation. Settlers soon outnumbered the Tharu, who adapted to the newcomers. Tharu now worked in tourist hotels and farmed in the same way as other rural Nepalese, and their children attended school. For the tourist industry, however, the Tharu past seemed like a natural tourist attraction. Tourist brochures claimed that the Tharu were "a primitive native people" who were "untouched by civilization." Tour guides echoed this view as they walked tourists through Pipariya. In addition, most guides belonged to Nepal's two highest-ranked ethnic groups, the Brahmin and Chhetri, and treated the Tharu as inferiors. They brought tourists into Tharu houses without permission and treated those inside with disrespect. Tourists themselves were largely ignorant of the Tharu and occasionally treated villagers like zoo exhibits. From the Tharu perspective, tourists could usually be tolerated as guests. (There is no word for "tourist" in their language; they call them "guests.") Their greatest concern was the negative way they were portrayed by the tourist industry. In 2009, one of the authors revisited Pipariya and encountered a different picture. The Tharu had constructed a small museum. Museum exhibits represented how they used to live, successfully divorcing their past from the present. (The "tourist gaze" often makes people more aware of their culture and its past.) The museum was the first place that tourists visited and deflected most of them away from the village's residential compounds. Globalization had also impacted the Tharu in other ways. Many young men have gone to work in foreign countries and send money home regularly. A few have even managed to acquire green cards for work and residence in the United States. In "Village Walks," Guneratne and Bjork report that, although some tourists intruded into Tharu houses in Pipariya, guides were careful to warn them against doing so.

Q: Village Walks: Tourism and Globalization among the Tharu of Nepal ARJUN GUNERATNE AND KATE BJORK Summary Arjun Guneratne and Kate Bjork focus on what it was like for an ethnic group, the Tharu, to become the objects of tourists' curiosity (the "tourist gaze"). The article describes tourists arriving in Pipariya, a Tharu village located near the Chitwan National Forest in Nepal's tarai region in 1989. They report on what the tour guide says and how the tourists and villagers respond. The so-called "village walk" is a good example of cultural tourism (there is also recreational, medical, religious, eco-, and sex tourism). It is usually one stop on a more broadly structured tour of Nepal's mountains, cities, and the Chitwan forest itself. The authors stress the importance of the anthropological study of tourism as a significant part of globalization research. They point out that nearly 100 million people go on tour every year and spend billions of dollars. Their impact on local economies as well as on people's ways of life represents a significant globalizing force. From the Tharu's point of view, the way they are characterized by Nepal's tourist industry is both significant and humiliating. Originally the tarai was a heavily forested area bordering the foothills and valleys of the Himalayan Mountains. Despite the land made inhospitable by malaria, the Tharu still managed to settle there, tilling small forest plots and hunting for their subsistence. All this changed in the 1950s when the insecticide DDT largely eradicated the mosquitoes that carried malaria. As a result, settlers from Nepal's hills and India's plains soon infiltrated the area and cleared most of the land for cultivation. Settlers soon outnumbered the Tharu, who adapted to the newcomers. Tharu now worked in tourist hotels and farmed in the same way as other rural Nepalese, and their children attended school. For the tourist industry, however, the Tharu past seemed like a natural tourist attraction. Tourist brochures claimed that the Tharu were "a primitive native people" who were "untouched by civilization." Tour guides echoed this view as they walked tourists through Pipariya. In addition, most guides belonged to Nepal's two highest-ranked ethnic groups, the Brahmin and Chhetri, and treated the Tharu as inferiors. They brought tourists into Tharu houses without permission and treated those inside with disrespect. Tourists themselves were largely ignorant of the Tharu and occasionally treated villagers like zoo exhibits. From the Tharu perspective, tourists could usually be tolerated as guests. (There is no word for "tourist" in their language; they call them "guests.") Their greatest concern was the negative way they were portrayed by the tourist industry. In 2009, one of the authors revisited Pipariya and encountered a different picture. The Tharu had constructed a small museum. Museum exhibits represented how they used to live, successfully divorcing their past from the present. (The "tourist gaze" often makes people more aware of their culture and its past.) The museum was the first place that tourists visited and deflected most of them away from the village's residential compounds. Globalization had also impacted the Tharu in other ways. Many young men have gone to work in foreign countries and send money home regularly. A few have even managed to acquire green cards for work and residence in the United States. According to Guneratne and Bjork in "Village Walks," most Tharu men from Pipariya wore Western-style clothes, whereas many Tharu women continued to wear their traditional dress.

Q: Village Walks: Tourism and Globalization among the Tharu of Nepal ARJUN GUNERATNE AND KATE BJORK Summary Arjun Guneratne and Kate Bjork focus on what it was like for an ethnic group, the Tharu, to become the objects of tourists' curiosity (the "tourist gaze"). The article describes tourists arriving in Pipariya, a Tharu village located near the Chitwan National Forest in Nepal's tarai region in 1989. They report on what the tour guide says and how the tourists and villagers respond. The so-called "village walk" is a good example of cultural tourism (there is also recreational, medical, religious, eco-, and sex tourism). It is usually one stop on a more broadly structured tour of Nepal's mountains, cities, and the Chitwan forest itself. The authors stress the importance of the anthropological study of tourism as a significant part of globalization research. They point out that nearly 100 million people go on tour every year and spend billions of dollars. Their impact on local economies as well as on people's ways of life represents a significant globalizing force. From the Tharu's point of view, the way they are characterized by Nepal's tourist industry is both significant and humiliating. Originally the tarai was a heavily forested area bordering the foothills and valleys of the Himalayan Mountains. Despite the land made inhospitable by malaria, the Tharu still managed to settle there, tilling small forest plots and hunting for their subsistence. All this changed in the 1950s when the insecticide DDT largely eradicated the mosquitoes that carried malaria. As a result, settlers from Nepal's hills and India's plains soon infiltrated the area and cleared most of the land for cultivation. Settlers soon outnumbered the Tharu, who adapted to the newcomers. Tharu now worked in tourist hotels and farmed in the same way as other rural Nepalese, and their children attended school. For the tourist industry, however, the Tharu past seemed like a natural tourist attraction. Tourist brochures claimed that the Tharu were "a primitive native people" who were "untouched by civilization." Tour guides echoed this view as they walked tourists through Pipariya. In addition, most guides belonged to Nepal's two highest-ranked ethnic groups, the Brahmin and Chhetri, and treated the Tharu as inferiors. They brought tourists into Tharu houses without permission and treated those inside with disrespect. Tourists themselves were largely ignorant of the Tharu and occasionally treated villagers like zoo exhibits. From the Tharu perspective, tourists could usually be tolerated as guests. (There is no word for "tourist" in their language; they call them "guests.") Their greatest concern was the negative way they were portrayed by the tourist industry. In 2009, one of the authors revisited Pipariya and encountered a different picture. The Tharu had constructed a small museum. Museum exhibits represented how they used to live, successfully divorcing their past from the present. (The "tourist gaze" often makes people more aware of their culture and its past.) The museum was the first place that tourists visited and deflected most of them away from the village's residential compounds. Globalization had also impacted the Tharu in other ways. Many young men have gone to work in foreign countries and send money home regularly. A few have even managed to acquire green cards for work and residence in the United States. In "Village Walks," Guneratne and Bjork note that, despite the incursion of tourists during the dry season, the Tharu residents of Pipariya managed to live much as they had before the 1950s.

Q: Village Walks: Tourism and Globalization among the Tharu of Nepal ARJUN GUNERATNE AND KATE BJORK Summary Arjun Guneratne and Kate Bjork focus on what it was like for an ethnic group, the Tharu, to become the objects of tourists' curiosity (the "tourist gaze"). The article describes tourists arriving in Pipariya, a Tharu village located near the Chitwan National Forest in Nepal's tarai region in 1989. They report on what the tour guide says and how the tourists and villagers respond. The so-called "village walk" is a good example of cultural tourism (there is also recreational, medical, religious, eco-, and sex tourism). It is usually one stop on a more broadly structured tour of Nepal's mountains, cities, and the Chitwan forest itself. The authors stress the importance of the anthropological study of tourism as a significant part of globalization research. They point out that nearly 100 million people go on tour every year and spend billions of dollars. Their impact on local economies as well as on people's ways of life represents a significant globalizing force. From the Tharu's point of view, the way they are characterized by Nepal's tourist industry is both significant and humiliating. Originally the tarai was a heavily forested area bordering the foothills and valleys of the Himalayan Mountains. Despite the land made inhospitable by malaria, the Tharu still managed to settle there, tilling small forest plots and hunting for their subsistence. All this changed in the 1950s when the insecticide DDT largely eradicated the mosquitoes that carried malaria. As a result, settlers from Nepal's hills and India's plains soon infiltrated the area and cleared most of the land for cultivation. Settlers soon outnumbered the Tharu, who adapted to the newcomers. Tharu now worked in tourist hotels and farmed in the same way as other rural Nepalese, and their children attended school. For the tourist industry, however, the Tharu past seemed like a natural tourist attraction. Tourist brochures claimed that the Tharu were "a primitive native people" who were "untouched by civilization." Tour guides echoed this view as they walked tourists through Pipariya. In addition, most guides belonged to Nepal's two highest-ranked ethnic groups, the Brahmin and Chhetri, and treated the Tharu as inferiors. They brought tourists into Tharu houses without permission and treated those inside with disrespect. Tourists themselves were largely ignorant of the Tharu and occasionally treated villagers like zoo exhibits. From the Tharu perspective, tourists could usually be tolerated as guests. (There is no word for "tourist" in their language; they call them "guests.") Their greatest concern was the negative way they were portrayed by the tourist industry. In 2009, one of the authors revisited Pipariya and encountered a different picture. The Tharu had constructed a small museum. Museum exhibits represented how they used to live, successfully divorcing their past from the present. (The "tourist gaze" often makes people more aware of their culture and its past.) The museum was the first place that tourists visited and deflected most of them away from the village's residential compounds. Globalization had also impacted the Tharu in other ways. Many young men have gone to work in foreign countries and send money home regularly. A few have even managed to acquire green cards for work and residence in the United States. As Guneratne and Bjork observe in "Village Walks," most guides that led tours to Pipariya were from lower-ranking ethnic groups and had little knowledge of the Tharu.

Q: Village Walks: Tourism and Globalization among the Tharu of Nepal ARJUN GUNERATNE AND KATE BJORK Summary Arjun Guneratne and Kate Bjork focus on what it was like for an ethnic group, the Tharu, to become the objects of tourists' curiosity (the "tourist gaze"). The article describes tourists arriving in Pipariya, a Tharu village located near the Chitwan National Forest in Nepal's tarai region in 1989. They report on what the tour guide says and how the tourists and villagers respond. The so-called "village walk" is a good example of cultural tourism (there is also recreational, medical, religious, eco-, and sex tourism). It is usually one stop on a more broadly structured tour of Nepal's mountains, cities, and the Chitwan forest itself. The authors stress the importance of the anthropological study of tourism as a significant part of globalization research. They point out that nearly 100 million people go on tour every year and spend billions of dollars. Their impact on local economies as well as on people's ways of life represents a significant globalizing force. From the Tharu's point of view, the way they are characterized by Nepal's tourist industry is both significant and humiliating. Originally the tarai was a heavily forested area bordering the foothills and valleys of the Himalayan Mountains. Despite the land made inhospitable by malaria, the Tharu still managed to settle there, tilling small forest plots and hunting for their subsistence. All this changed in the 1950s when the insecticide DDT largely eradicated the mosquitoes that carried malaria. As a result, settlers from Nepal's hills and India's plains soon infiltrated the area and cleared most of the land for cultivation. Settlers soon outnumbered the Tharu, who adapted to the newcomers. Tharu now worked in tourist hotels and farmed in the same way as other rural Nepalese, and their children attended school. For the tourist industry, however, the Tharu past seemed like a natural tourist attraction. Tourist brochures claimed that the Tharu were "a primitive native people" who were "untouched by civilization." Tour guides echoed this view as they walked tourists through Pipariya. In addition, most guides belonged to Nepal's two highest-ranked ethnic groups, the Brahmin and Chhetri, and treated the Tharu as inferiors. They brought tourists into Tharu houses without permission and treated those inside with disrespect. Tourists themselves were largely ignorant of the Tharu and occasionally treated villagers like zoo exhibits. From the Tharu perspective, tourists could usually be tolerated as guests. (There is no word for "tourist" in their language; they call them "guests.") Their greatest concern was the negative way they were portrayed by the tourist industry. In 2009, one of the authors revisited Pipariya and encountered a different picture. The Tharu had constructed a small museum. Museum exhibits represented how they used to live, successfully divorcing their past from the present. (The "tourist gaze" often makes people more aware of their culture and its past.) The museum was the first place that tourists visited and deflected most of them away from the village's residential compounds. Globalization had also impacted the Tharu in other ways. Many young men have gone to work in foreign countries and send money home regularly. A few have even managed to acquire green cards for work and residence in the United States. According to Guneratne and Bjork in "Village Walks," Nepalese tourist companies characterize the Tharu as primitive forest dwellers untouched by civilization.

Q: How Sushi Went Global THEODORE C. BESTOR Summary This article by Theodore Bestor reveals the complex network of relationships that define a global economic system. Focusing on sushi, a traditional Japanese cuisine, Bestor shows how the international adoption of the culinary custom, and especially its centerpiece, raw bluefin tuna, has created a global system that involves Atlantic fishing and fish farming, national and environmental regulations, realignments of labor and capital, and shifting markets. The article begins with a description of a bluefin auction at a fishing pier near Bath main. About 20 buyers evaluate and bid on three large bluefins, consulting buyers in the Tsukiui fish market in Japan by cell phone to establish prices. Once bought, the fish are packed in ice and flown to Japan. Japanese have a long-term affection for the bluefin, a fish that was originally caught only for sport in the United States. The Japanese had turned to international tuna suppliers in the past, when the world adopted a rule that restricted fishing boats from one nation from fishing within 200 miles of the coast of another country. Jumbo jets brought fresh New England bluefin into easy reach of Japan, and U.S. fishermen began to catch and export the large tuna. The 1980s were prosperous for Japan, which sustained the market for bluefin, but the economic bubble burst in the early "90s. Just in time, North Americans developed a taste for sushi, creating a strong market for the fish. As sushi became more and more popular in the United States, and later Europe, the expanded market increased fishing activity all across the Atlantic, and gave rise to fish farming, especially in Spanish and Croatian waters. But markets rely on supply and demand; in 1999 the Japanese managed to catch a year's supply of tuna in three days, reducing demand and prices. Prices also fell when environmental conditions in the Mediterranean resulted in reduced oxygen in the water. About 800 tuna in a Spanish fish trap suffocated and were caught and processed immediately, causing an oversupply that lowered tuna prices around the world. Today, the market for tuna continues to thrive. The best bluefin still go to Japan where the market is still strongest, but the rest satisfy palates in many other parts of the world. Now fishermen often come in conflict with customers, governments, regulators, and environmentalists around the world as they catch or farm tuna. Because tuna fishing is a local industry, local economies based on fishing may be affected instantly by changes in world prices for the fish. Bestor also points out that a global market does not necessarily mean cultural homogenization. Sushi, he argues, is considered a Japanese delicacy no matter where in the world it is eaten. In "How Sushi Went Global," Bestor concludes that Japan is still the central market for internationally caught bluefin tuna, and the Japanese have tried to teach American fishermen and tuna buyers how to judge the quality of tuna that are suitable for the Japanese market.

Q: How Sushi Went Global THEODORE C. BESTOR Summary This article by Theodore Bestor reveals the complex network of relationships that define a global economic system. Focusing on sushi, a traditional Japanese cuisine, Bestor shows how the international adoption of the culinary custom, and especially its centerpiece, raw bluefin tuna, has created a global system that involves Atlantic fishing and fish farming, national and environmental regulations, realignments of labor and capital, and shifting markets. The article begins with a description of a bluefin auction at a fishing pier near Bath main. About 20 buyers evaluate and bid on three large bluefins, consulting buyers in the Tsukiui fish market in Japan by cell phone to establish prices. Once bought, the fish are packed in ice and flown to Japan. Japanese have a long-term affection for the bluefin, a fish that was originally caught only for sport in the United States. The Japanese had turned to international tuna suppliers in the past, when the world adopted a rule that restricted fishing boats from one nation from fishing within 200 miles of the coast of another country. Jumbo jets brought fresh New England bluefin into easy reach of Japan, and U.S. fishermen began to catch and export the large tuna. The 1980s were prosperous for Japan, which sustained the market for bluefin, but the economic bubble burst in the early "90s. Just in time, North Americans developed a taste for sushi, creating a strong market for the fish. As sushi became more and more popular in the United States, and later Europe, the expanded market increased fishing activity all across the Atlantic, and gave rise to fish farming, especially in Spanish and Croatian waters. But markets rely on supply and demand; in 1999 the Japanese managed to catch a year's supply of tuna in three days, reducing demand and prices. Prices also fell when environmental conditions in the Mediterranean resulted in reduced oxygen in the water. About 800 tuna in a Spanish fish trap suffocated and were caught and processed immediately, causing an oversupply that lowered tuna prices around the world. Today, the market for tuna continues to thrive. The best bluefin still go to Japan where the market is still strongest, but the rest satisfy palates in many other parts of the world. Now fishermen often come in conflict with customers, governments, regulators, and environmentalists around the world as they catch or farm tuna. Because tuna fishing is a local industry, local economies based on fishing may be affected instantly by changes in world prices for the fish. Bestor also points out that a global market does not necessarily mean cultural homogenization. Sushi, he argues, is considered a Japanese delicacy no matter where in the world it is eaten. According to Bestor in "How Sushi Went Global," America has become the center of the world market for sushi and bluefin tuna, and Japan is now on the periphery.

Q: How Sushi Went Global THEODORE C. BESTOR Summary This article by Theodore Bestor reveals the complex network of relationships that define a global economic system. Focusing on sushi, a traditional Japanese cuisine, Bestor shows how the international adoption of the culinary custom, and especially its centerpiece, raw bluefin tuna, has created a global system that involves Atlantic fishing and fish farming, national and environmental regulations, realignments of labor and capital, and shifting markets. The article begins with a description of a bluefin auction at a fishing pier near Bath main. About 20 buyers evaluate and bid on three large bluefins, consulting buyers in the Tsukiui fish market in Japan by cell phone to establish prices. Once bought, the fish are packed in ice and flown to Japan. Japanese have a long-term affection for the bluefin, a fish that was originally caught only for sport in the United States. The Japanese had turned to international tuna suppliers in the past, when the world adopted a rule that restricted fishing boats from one nation from fishing within 200 miles of the coast of another country. Jumbo jets brought fresh New England bluefin into easy reach of Japan, and U.S. fishermen began to catch and export the large tuna. The 1980s were prosperous for Japan, which sustained the market for bluefin, but the economic bubble burst in the early "90s. Just in time, North Americans developed a taste for sushi, creating a strong market for the fish. As sushi became more and more popular in the United States, and later Europe, the expanded market increased fishing activity all across the Atlantic, and gave rise to fish farming, especially in Spanish and Croatian waters. But markets rely on supply and demand; in 1999 the Japanese managed to catch a year's supply of tuna in three days, reducing demand and prices. Prices also fell when environmental conditions in the Mediterranean resulted in reduced oxygen in the water. About 800 tuna in a Spanish fish trap suffocated and were caught and processed immediately, causing an oversupply that lowered tuna prices around the world. Today, the market for tuna continues to thrive. The best bluefin still go to Japan where the market is still strongest, but the rest satisfy palates in many other parts of the world. Now fishermen often come in conflict with customers, governments, regulators, and environmentalists around the world as they catch or farm tuna. Because tuna fishing is a local industry, local economies based on fishing may be affected instantly by changes in world prices for the fish. Bestor also points out that a global market does not necessarily mean cultural homogenization. Sushi, he argues, is considered a Japanese delicacy no matter where in the world it is eaten. In "How Sushi Went Global," Bestor notes that bluefin tuna are now raised in Spanish waters near Gibraltar, where they are fed by hand.

Q: How Sushi Went Global THEODORE C. BESTOR Summary This article by Theodore Bestor reveals the complex network of relationships that define a global economic system. Focusing on sushi, a traditional Japanese cuisine, Bestor shows how the international adoption of the culinary custom, and especially its centerpiece, raw bluefin tuna, has created a global system that involves Atlantic fishing and fish farming, national and environmental regulations, realignments of labor and capital, and shifting markets. The article begins with a description of a bluefin auction at a fishing pier near Bath main. About 20 buyers evaluate and bid on three large bluefins, consulting buyers in the Tsukiui fish market in Japan by cell phone to establish prices. Once bought, the fish are packed in ice and flown to Japan. Japanese have a long-term affection for the bluefin, a fish that was originally caught only for sport in the United States. The Japanese had turned to international tuna suppliers in the past, when the world adopted a rule that restricted fishing boats from one nation from fishing within 200 miles of the coast of another country. Jumbo jets brought fresh New England bluefin into easy reach of Japan, and U.S. fishermen began to catch and export the large tuna. The 1980s were prosperous for Japan, which sustained the market for bluefin, but the economic bubble burst in the early "90s. Just in time, North Americans developed a taste for sushi, creating a strong market for the fish. As sushi became more and more popular in the United States, and later Europe, the expanded market increased fishing activity all across the Atlantic, and gave rise to fish farming, especially in Spanish and Croatian waters. But markets rely on supply and demand; in 1999 the Japanese managed to catch a year's supply of tuna in three days, reducing demand and prices. Prices also fell when environmental conditions in the Mediterranean resulted in reduced oxygen in the water. About 800 tuna in a Spanish fish trap suffocated and were caught and processed immediately, causing an oversupply that lowered tuna prices around the world. Today, the market for tuna continues to thrive. The best bluefin still go to Japan where the market is still strongest, but the rest satisfy palates in many other parts of the world. Now fishermen often come in conflict with customers, governments, regulators, and environmentalists around the world as they catch or farm tuna. Because tuna fishing is a local industry, local economies based on fishing may be affected instantly by changes in world prices for the fish. Bestor also points out that a global market does not necessarily mean cultural homogenization. Sushi, he argues, is considered a Japanese delicacy no matter where in the world it is eaten. In "How Sushi Went Global," Bestor argues that the Japanese control the world price for bluefin tuna because the government sets prices paid for imported fish, which, in turn, affects the economy of U.S. fishing villages.

Q: How Sushi Went Global THEODORE C. BESTOR Summary This article by Theodore Bestor reveals the complex network of relationships that define a global economic system. Focusing on sushi, a traditional Japanese cuisine, Bestor shows how the international adoption of the culinary custom, and especially its centerpiece, raw bluefin tuna, has created a global system that involves Atlantic fishing and fish farming, national and environmental regulations, realignments of labor and capital, and shifting markets. The article begins with a description of a bluefin auction at a fishing pier near Bath main. About 20 buyers evaluate and bid on three large bluefins, consulting buyers in the Tsukiui fish market in Japan by cell phone to establish prices. Once bought, the fish are packed in ice and flown to Japan. Japanese have a long-term affection for the bluefin, a fish that was originally caught only for sport in the United States. The Japanese had turned to international tuna suppliers in the past, when the world adopted a rule that restricted fishing boats from one nation from fishing within 200 miles of the coast of another country. Jumbo jets brought fresh New England bluefin into easy reach of Japan, and U.S. fishermen began to catch and export the large tuna. The 1980s were prosperous for Japan, which sustained the market for bluefin, but the economic bubble burst in the early "90s. Just in time, North Americans developed a taste for sushi, creating a strong market for the fish. As sushi became more and more popular in the United States, and later Europe, the expanded market increased fishing activity all across the Atlantic, and gave rise to fish farming, especially in Spanish and Croatian waters. But markets rely on supply and demand; in 1999 the Japanese managed to catch a year's supply of tuna in three days, reducing demand and prices. Prices also fell when environmental conditions in the Mediterranean resulted in reduced oxygen in the water. About 800 tuna in a Spanish fish trap suffocated and were caught and processed immediately, causing an oversupply that lowered tuna prices around the world. Today, the market for tuna continues to thrive. The best bluefin still go to Japan where the market is still strongest, but the rest satisfy palates in many other parts of the world. Now fishermen often come in conflict with customers, governments, regulators, and environmentalists around the world as they catch or farm tuna. Because tuna fishing is a local industry, local economies based on fishing may be affected instantly by changes in world prices for the fish. Bestor also points out that a global market does not necessarily mean cultural homogenization. Sushi, he argues, is considered a Japanese delicacy no matter where in the world it is eaten. According to Bestor in "How Sushi Went Global," few North Americans ate bluefin tuna before the international market for sushi developed, preferring instead to fish for tuna as a sport.

Q: How Sushi Went Global THEODORE C. BESTOR Summary This article by Theodore Bestor reveals the complex network of relationships that define a global economic system. Focusing on sushi, a traditional Japanese cuisine, Bestor shows how the international adoption of the culinary custom, and especially its centerpiece, raw bluefin tuna, has created a global system that involves Atlantic fishing and fish farming, national and environmental regulations, realignments of labor and capital, and shifting markets. The article begins with a description of a bluefin auction at a fishing pier near Bath main. About 20 buyers evaluate and bid on three large bluefins, consulting buyers in the Tsukiui fish market in Japan by cell phone to establish prices. Once bought, the fish are packed in ice and flown to Japan. Japanese have a long-term affection for the bluefin, a fish that was originally caught only for sport in the United States. The Japanese had turned to international tuna suppliers in the past, when the world adopted a rule that restricted fishing boats from one nation from fishing within 200 miles of the coast of another country. Jumbo jets brought fresh New England bluefin into easy reach of Japan, and U.S. fishermen began to catch and export the large tuna. The 1980s were prosperous for Japan, which sustained the market for bluefin, but the economic bubble burst in the early "90s. Just in time, North Americans developed a taste for sushi, creating a strong market for the fish. As sushi became more and more popular in the United States, and later Europe, the expanded market increased fishing activity all across the Atlantic, and gave rise to fish farming, especially in Spanish and Croatian waters. But markets rely on supply and demand; in 1999 the Japanese managed to catch a year's supply of tuna in three days, reducing demand and prices. Prices also fell when environmental conditions in the Mediterranean resulted in reduced oxygen in the water. About 800 tuna in a Spanish fish trap suffocated and were caught and processed immediately, causing an oversupply that lowered tuna prices around the world. Today, the market for tuna continues to thrive. The best bluefin still go to Japan where the market is still strongest, but the rest satisfy palates in many other parts of the world. Now fishermen often come in conflict with customers, governments, regulators, and environmentalists around the world as they catch or farm tuna. Because tuna fishing is a local industry, local economies based on fishing may be affected instantly by changes in world prices for the fish. Bestor also points out that a global market does not necessarily mean cultural homogenization. Sushi, he argues, is considered a Japanese delicacy no matter where in the world it is eaten. In "How Sushi Went Global," Theodore Bestor notes that the Japanese love of sushi increased because the introduction of jet aircraft in the 1960s made it possible to ship fresh bluefin tuna, the centerpiece of sushi, to Japan before the fish could spoil.

Q: Run for the Wall: An American Pilgrimage JILL DUBISCH Summary Starting in 1996, sociologist Raymond Michalowski and anthropologist Jill Dubisch joined a group of motorcyclists riding on a trip called the Run for the Wall, a pilgrimage (ritual passage) from California to the Vietnam Veterans Memorial in Washington, DC. The Run for the Wall was started by a group of Vietnam veterans in 1989 and has occurred every year since. It requires its participants to ride motorcycles from California to Washington, DC, although many join or drop out along the way. The run takes 10 days and includes stops for rest and ceremonies. Communities along the run's route welcome run members and often feed and house them for free. Riders see the run as a pilgrimage that helps heal wounds caused by the war, and serves to honor the dead and "those left behind" (POWs and the missing in action). Dubisch introduces the concept of pilgrimage as a journey that has a purpose, with a destination that has special meaning. The destination may get its emotional power from its location or symbolic meaning. Pilgrimages are rituals, defined (in Davis-Floyd's words) as "patterned, repetitive, and symbolic enactments of a cultural belief or value." Personal transformation is a key result. Rituals often reenact social myths. They, according to anthropologist Victor Turner, have two poles the ideological and the sensory that can be changed and modified regularly. Pilgrimages are a kind of ritual. They create what Victor and Edith Turner call a liminal state, which is a special period of time between normal routines. Travel is one way to mark such a liminal period. The Run for the Wall began as a way for veterans to deal with the physical and mental wounds caused by their participation in the Vietnam War, and the indifference and hostility that greeted them when they arrived home. Motorcycles have been associated with veterans' groups since World War II. They symbolize freedom, self-reliance, patriotism, and individualism. Patriotism is especially important to those who make the run and is symbolized by the U.S. flags and eagles that adorn their motorcycles. Riding motorcycles gives a feeling of political power to participants. The machines are not an ordinary way to travel. Riding them also involves danger and hardship; suffering for the cause increases openness to personal change and an eventual feeling of accomplishment. Dubisch describes several ceremonial events along the run that evoke strong emotions. The wall itself has special power, meaning, and emotional impact. It causes outbursts of grief and recognizes both the individual dead and the departed as a whole. Some riders say they hear the spirits of the dead talking at the wall when they are there at night. This pilgrimage has a lasting, transformational effect on its participants, and illustrates the importance of feelings and emotion associated with religion and ritual. According to Dubisch in "Run for the Wall: An American Pilgrimage," the ritual for the soldiers missing in Vietnam is especially powerful because of the mountainous location of Limon, Colorado.

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