Anthropology

Q: Run for the Wall: An American Pilgrimage JILL DUBISCH Summary Starting in 1996, sociologist Raymond Michalowski and anthropologist Jill Dubisch joined a group of motorcyclists riding on a trip called the Run for the Wall, a pilgrimage (ritual passage) from California to the Vietnam Veterans Memorial in Washington, DC. The Run for the Wall was started by a group of Vietnam veterans in 1989 and has occurred every year since. It requires its participants to ride motorcycles from California to Washington, DC, although many join or drop out along the way. The run takes 10 days and includes stops for rest and ceremonies. Communities along the run's route welcome run members and often feed and house them for free. Riders see the run as a pilgrimage that helps heal wounds caused by the war, and serves to honor the dead and "those left behind" (POWs and the missing in action). Dubisch introduces the concept of pilgrimage as a journey that has a purpose, with a destination that has special meaning. The destination may get its emotional power from its location or symbolic meaning. Pilgrimages are rituals, defined (in Davis-Floyd's words) as "patterned, repetitive, and symbolic enactments of a cultural belief or value." Personal transformation is a key result. Rituals often reenact social myths. They, according to anthropologist Victor Turner, have two poles the ideological and the sensory that can be changed and modified regularly. Pilgrimages are a kind of ritual. They create what Victor and Edith Turner call a liminal state, which is a special period of time between normal routines. Travel is one way to mark such a liminal period. The Run for the Wall began as a way for veterans to deal with the physical and mental wounds caused by their participation in the Vietnam War, and the indifference and hostility that greeted them when they arrived home. Motorcycles have been associated with veterans' groups since World War II. They symbolize freedom, self-reliance, patriotism, and individualism. Patriotism is especially important to those who make the run and is symbolized by the U.S. flags and eagles that adorn their motorcycles. Riding motorcycles gives a feeling of political power to participants. The machines are not an ordinary way to travel. Riding them also involves danger and hardship; suffering for the cause increases openness to personal change and an eventual feeling of accomplishment. Dubisch describes several ceremonial events along the run that evoke strong emotions. The wall itself has special power, meaning, and emotional impact. It causes outbursts of grief and recognizes both the individual dead and the departed as a whole. Some riders say they hear the spirits of the dead talking at the wall when they are there at night. This pilgrimage has a lasting, transformational effect on its participants, and illustrates the importance of feelings and emotion associated with religion and ritual. In "Run for the Wall: An American Pilgrimage," Dubisch notes that the term liminality defines an emotional state that is sparked by ritual ceremony.

Q: Run for the Wall: An American Pilgrimage JILL DUBISCH Summary Starting in 1996, sociologist Raymond Michalowski and anthropologist Jill Dubisch joined a group of motorcyclists riding on a trip called the Run for the Wall, a pilgrimage (ritual passage) from California to the Vietnam Veterans Memorial in Washington, DC. The Run for the Wall was started by a group of Vietnam veterans in 1989 and has occurred every year since. It requires its participants to ride motorcycles from California to Washington, DC, although many join or drop out along the way. The run takes 10 days and includes stops for rest and ceremonies. Communities along the run's route welcome run members and often feed and house them for free. Riders see the run as a pilgrimage that helps heal wounds caused by the war, and serves to honor the dead and "those left behind" (POWs and the missing in action). Dubisch introduces the concept of pilgrimage as a journey that has a purpose, with a destination that has special meaning. The destination may get its emotional power from its location or symbolic meaning. Pilgrimages are rituals, defined (in Davis-Floyd's words) as "patterned, repetitive, and symbolic enactments of a cultural belief or value." Personal transformation is a key result. Rituals often reenact social myths. They, according to anthropologist Victor Turner, have two poles the ideological and the sensory that can be changed and modified regularly. Pilgrimages are a kind of ritual. They create what Victor and Edith Turner call a liminal state, which is a special period of time between normal routines. Travel is one way to mark such a liminal period. The Run for the Wall began as a way for veterans to deal with the physical and mental wounds caused by their participation in the Vietnam War, and the indifference and hostility that greeted them when they arrived home. Motorcycles have been associated with veterans' groups since World War II. They symbolize freedom, self-reliance, patriotism, and individualism. Patriotism is especially important to those who make the run and is symbolized by the U.S. flags and eagles that adorn their motorcycles. Riding motorcycles gives a feeling of political power to participants. The machines are not an ordinary way to travel. Riding them also involves danger and hardship; suffering for the cause increases openness to personal change and an eventual feeling of accomplishment. Dubisch describes several ceremonial events along the run that evoke strong emotions. The wall itself has special power, meaning, and emotional impact. It causes outbursts of grief and recognizes both the individual dead and the departed as a whole. Some riders say they hear the spirits of the dead talking at the wall when they are there at night. This pilgrimage has a lasting, transformational effect on its participants, and illustrates the importance of feelings and emotion associated with religion and ritual. In "Run for the Wall: An American Pilgrimage," Dubisch cites a definition of ritual that says rituals are patterned, repetitive, symbolic enactments of cultural beliefs or values.

Q: Run for the Wall: An American Pilgrimage JILL DUBISCH Summary Starting in 1996, sociologist Raymond Michalowski and anthropologist Jill Dubisch joined a group of motorcyclists riding on a trip called the Run for the Wall, a pilgrimage (ritual passage) from California to the Vietnam Veterans Memorial in Washington, DC. The Run for the Wall was started by a group of Vietnam veterans in 1989 and has occurred every year since. It requires its participants to ride motorcycles from California to Washington, DC, although many join or drop out along the way. The run takes 10 days and includes stops for rest and ceremonies. Communities along the run's route welcome run members and often feed and house them for free. Riders see the run as a pilgrimage that helps heal wounds caused by the war, and serves to honor the dead and "those left behind" (POWs and the missing in action). Dubisch introduces the concept of pilgrimage as a journey that has a purpose, with a destination that has special meaning. The destination may get its emotional power from its location or symbolic meaning. Pilgrimages are rituals, defined (in Davis-Floyd's words) as "patterned, repetitive, and symbolic enactments of a cultural belief or value." Personal transformation is a key result. Rituals often reenact social myths. They, according to anthropologist Victor Turner, have two poles the ideological and the sensory that can be changed and modified regularly. Pilgrimages are a kind of ritual. They create what Victor and Edith Turner call a liminal state, which is a special period of time between normal routines. Travel is one way to mark such a liminal period. The Run for the Wall began as a way for veterans to deal with the physical and mental wounds caused by their participation in the Vietnam War, and the indifference and hostility that greeted them when they arrived home. Motorcycles have been associated with veterans' groups since World War II. They symbolize freedom, self-reliance, patriotism, and individualism. Patriotism is especially important to those who make the run and is symbolized by the U.S. flags and eagles that adorn their motorcycles. Riding motorcycles gives a feeling of political power to participants. The machines are not an ordinary way to travel. Riding them also involves danger and hardship; suffering for the cause increases openness to personal change and an eventual feeling of accomplishment. Dubisch describes several ceremonial events along the run that evoke strong emotions. The wall itself has special power, meaning, and emotional impact. It causes outbursts of grief and recognizes both the individual dead and the departed as a whole. Some riders say they hear the spirits of the dead talking at the wall when they are there at night. This pilgrimage has a lasting, transformational effect on its participants, and illustrates the importance of feelings and emotion associated with religion and ritual. In "Run for the Wall: An American Pilgrimage," Dubisch argues that pilgrimages rarely affect people who are well adjusted and content with their lives.

Q: Run for the Wall: An American Pilgrimage JILL DUBISCH Summary Starting in 1996, sociologist Raymond Michalowski and anthropologist Jill Dubisch joined a group of motorcyclists riding on a trip called the Run for the Wall, a pilgrimage (ritual passage) from California to the Vietnam Veterans Memorial in Washington, DC. The Run for the Wall was started by a group of Vietnam veterans in 1989 and has occurred every year since. It requires its participants to ride motorcycles from California to Washington, DC, although many join or drop out along the way. The run takes 10 days and includes stops for rest and ceremonies. Communities along the run's route welcome run members and often feed and house them for free. Riders see the run as a pilgrimage that helps heal wounds caused by the war, and serves to honor the dead and "those left behind" (POWs and the missing in action). Dubisch introduces the concept of pilgrimage as a journey that has a purpose, with a destination that has special meaning. The destination may get its emotional power from its location or symbolic meaning. Pilgrimages are rituals, defined (in Davis-Floyd's words) as "patterned, repetitive, and symbolic enactments of a cultural belief or value." Personal transformation is a key result. Rituals often reenact social myths. They, according to anthropologist Victor Turner, have two poles the ideological and the sensory that can be changed and modified regularly. Pilgrimages are a kind of ritual. They create what Victor and Edith Turner call a liminal state, which is a special period of time between normal routines. Travel is one way to mark such a liminal period. The Run for the Wall began as a way for veterans to deal with the physical and mental wounds caused by their participation in the Vietnam War, and the indifference and hostility that greeted them when they arrived home. Motorcycles have been associated with veterans' groups since World War II. They symbolize freedom, self-reliance, patriotism, and individualism. Patriotism is especially important to those who make the run and is symbolized by the U.S. flags and eagles that adorn their motorcycles. Riding motorcycles gives a feeling of political power to participants. The machines are not an ordinary way to travel. Riding them also involves danger and hardship; suffering for the cause increases openness to personal change and an eventual feeling of accomplishment. Dubisch describes several ceremonial events along the run that evoke strong emotions. The wall itself has special power, meaning, and emotional impact. It causes outbursts of grief and recognizes both the individual dead and the departed as a whole. Some riders say they hear the spirits of the dead talking at the wall when they are there at night. This pilgrimage has a lasting, transformational effect on its participants, and illustrates the importance of feelings and emotion associated with religion and ritual. According to Dubisch in "Run for the Wall: An American Pilgrimage," pilgrimages are journeys with a purpose, taken to a place with meaning. They can be religious, secular, or personal.

Q: Run for the Wall: An American Pilgrimage JILL DUBISCH Summary Starting in 1996, sociologist Raymond Michalowski and anthropologist Jill Dubisch joined a group of motorcyclists riding on a trip called the Run for the Wall, a pilgrimage (ritual passage) from California to the Vietnam Veterans Memorial in Washington, DC. The Run for the Wall was started by a group of Vietnam veterans in 1989 and has occurred every year since. It requires its participants to ride motorcycles from California to Washington, DC, although many join or drop out along the way. The run takes 10 days and includes stops for rest and ceremonies. Communities along the run's route welcome run members and often feed and house them for free. Riders see the run as a pilgrimage that helps heal wounds caused by the war, and serves to honor the dead and "those left behind" (POWs and the missing in action). Dubisch introduces the concept of pilgrimage as a journey that has a purpose, with a destination that has special meaning. The destination may get its emotional power from its location or symbolic meaning. Pilgrimages are rituals, defined (in Davis-Floyd's words) as "patterned, repetitive, and symbolic enactments of a cultural belief or value." Personal transformation is a key result. Rituals often reenact social myths. They, according to anthropologist Victor Turner, have two poles the ideological and the sensory that can be changed and modified regularly. Pilgrimages are a kind of ritual. They create what Victor and Edith Turner call a liminal state, which is a special period of time between normal routines. Travel is one way to mark such a liminal period. The Run for the Wall began as a way for veterans to deal with the physical and mental wounds caused by their participation in the Vietnam War, and the indifference and hostility that greeted them when they arrived home. Motorcycles have been associated with veterans' groups since World War II. They symbolize freedom, self-reliance, patriotism, and individualism. Patriotism is especially important to those who make the run and is symbolized by the U.S. flags and eagles that adorn their motorcycles. Riding motorcycles gives a feeling of political power to participants. The machines are not an ordinary way to travel. Riding them also involves danger and hardship; suffering for the cause increases openness to personal change and an eventual feeling of accomplishment. Dubisch describes several ceremonial events along the run that evoke strong emotions. The wall itself has special power, meaning, and emotional impact. It causes outbursts of grief and recognizes both the individual dead and the departed as a whole. Some riders say they hear the spirits of the dead talking at the wall when they are there at night. This pilgrimage has a lasting, transformational effect on its participants, and illustrates the importance of feelings and emotion associated with religion and ritual. In "Run for the Wall: An American Pilgrimage," Dubisch defines pilgrimages as religious rituals that involve journeys to sacred places.

Q: Run for the Wall: An American Pilgrimage JILL DUBISCH Summary Starting in 1996, sociologist Raymond Michalowski and anthropologist Jill Dubisch joined a group of motorcyclists riding on a trip called the Run for the Wall, a pilgrimage (ritual passage) from California to the Vietnam Veterans Memorial in Washington, DC. The Run for the Wall was started by a group of Vietnam veterans in 1989 and has occurred every year since. It requires its participants to ride motorcycles from California to Washington, DC, although many join or drop out along the way. The run takes 10 days and includes stops for rest and ceremonies. Communities along the run's route welcome run members and often feed and house them for free. Riders see the run as a pilgrimage that helps heal wounds caused by the war, and serves to honor the dead and "those left behind" (POWs and the missing in action). Dubisch introduces the concept of pilgrimage as a journey that has a purpose, with a destination that has special meaning. The destination may get its emotional power from its location or symbolic meaning. Pilgrimages are rituals, defined (in Davis-Floyd's words) as "patterned, repetitive, and symbolic enactments of a cultural belief or value." Personal transformation is a key result. Rituals often reenact social myths. They, according to anthropologist Victor Turner, have two poles the ideological and the sensory that can be changed and modified regularly. Pilgrimages are a kind of ritual. They create what Victor and Edith Turner call a liminal state, which is a special period of time between normal routines. Travel is one way to mark such a liminal period. The Run for the Wall began as a way for veterans to deal with the physical and mental wounds caused by their participation in the Vietnam War, and the indifference and hostility that greeted them when they arrived home. Motorcycles have been associated with veterans' groups since World War II. They symbolize freedom, self-reliance, patriotism, and individualism. Patriotism is especially important to those who make the run and is symbolized by the U.S. flags and eagles that adorn their motorcycles. Riding motorcycles gives a feeling of political power to participants. The machines are not an ordinary way to travel. Riding them also involves danger and hardship; suffering for the cause increases openness to personal change and an eventual feeling of accomplishment. Dubisch describes several ceremonial events along the run that evoke strong emotions. The wall itself has special power, meaning, and emotional impact. It causes outbursts of grief and recognizes both the individual dead and the departed as a whole. Some riders say they hear the spirits of the dead talking at the wall when they are there at night. This pilgrimage has a lasting, transformational effect on its participants, and illustrates the importance of feelings and emotion associated with religion and ritual. In "Run for the Wall: An American Pilgrimage," Dubisch observes that those who ride in the Run for the Wall consciously see it as a pilgrimage.

Q: Run for the Wall: An American Pilgrimage JILL DUBISCH Summary Starting in 1996, sociologist Raymond Michalowski and anthropologist Jill Dubisch joined a group of motorcyclists riding on a trip called the Run for the Wall, a pilgrimage (ritual passage) from California to the Vietnam Veterans Memorial in Washington, DC. The Run for the Wall was started by a group of Vietnam veterans in 1989 and has occurred every year since. It requires its participants to ride motorcycles from California to Washington, DC, although many join or drop out along the way. The run takes 10 days and includes stops for rest and ceremonies. Communities along the run's route welcome run members and often feed and house them for free. Riders see the run as a pilgrimage that helps heal wounds caused by the war, and serves to honor the dead and "those left behind" (POWs and the missing in action). Dubisch introduces the concept of pilgrimage as a journey that has a purpose, with a destination that has special meaning. The destination may get its emotional power from its location or symbolic meaning. Pilgrimages are rituals, defined (in Davis-Floyd's words) as "patterned, repetitive, and symbolic enactments of a cultural belief or value." Personal transformation is a key result. Rituals often reenact social myths. They, according to anthropologist Victor Turner, have two poles the ideological and the sensory that can be changed and modified regularly. Pilgrimages are a kind of ritual. They create what Victor and Edith Turner call a liminal state, which is a special period of time between normal routines. Travel is one way to mark such a liminal period. The Run for the Wall began as a way for veterans to deal with the physical and mental wounds caused by their participation in the Vietnam War, and the indifference and hostility that greeted them when they arrived home. Motorcycles have been associated with veterans' groups since World War II. They symbolize freedom, self-reliance, patriotism, and individualism. Patriotism is especially important to those who make the run and is symbolized by the U.S. flags and eagles that adorn their motorcycles. Riding motorcycles gives a feeling of political power to participants. The machines are not an ordinary way to travel. Riding them also involves danger and hardship; suffering for the cause increases openness to personal change and an eventual feeling of accomplishment. Dubisch describes several ceremonial events along the run that evoke strong emotions. The wall itself has special power, meaning, and emotional impact. It causes outbursts of grief and recognizes both the individual dead and the departed as a whole. Some riders say they hear the spirits of the dead talking at the wall when they are there at night. This pilgrimage has a lasting, transformational effect on its participants, and illustrates the importance of feelings and emotion associated with religion and ritual. Dubisch notes that the Run for the Wall began as a way to promote respect for service in the U.S. military.

Q: Run for the Wall: An American Pilgrimage JILL DUBISCH Summary Starting in 1996, sociologist Raymond Michalowski and anthropologist Jill Dubisch joined a group of motorcyclists riding on a trip called the Run for the Wall, a pilgrimage (ritual passage) from California to the Vietnam Veterans Memorial in Washington, DC. The Run for the Wall was started by a group of Vietnam veterans in 1989 and has occurred every year since. It requires its participants to ride motorcycles from California to Washington, DC, although many join or drop out along the way. The run takes 10 days and includes stops for rest and ceremonies. Communities along the run's route welcome run members and often feed and house them for free. Riders see the run as a pilgrimage that helps heal wounds caused by the war, and serves to honor the dead and "those left behind" (POWs and the missing in action). Dubisch introduces the concept of pilgrimage as a journey that has a purpose, with a destination that has special meaning. The destination may get its emotional power from its location or symbolic meaning. Pilgrimages are rituals, defined (in Davis-Floyd's words) as "patterned, repetitive, and symbolic enactments of a cultural belief or value." Personal transformation is a key result. Rituals often reenact social myths. They, according to anthropologist Victor Turner, have two poles the ideological and the sensory that can be changed and modified regularly. Pilgrimages are a kind of ritual. They create what Victor and Edith Turner call a liminal state, which is a special period of time between normal routines. Travel is one way to mark such a liminal period. The Run for the Wall began as a way for veterans to deal with the physical and mental wounds caused by their participation in the Vietnam War, and the indifference and hostility that greeted them when they arrived home. Motorcycles have been associated with veterans' groups since World War II. They symbolize freedom, self-reliance, patriotism, and individualism. Patriotism is especially important to those who make the run and is symbolized by the U.S. flags and eagles that adorn their motorcycles. Riding motorcycles gives a feeling of political power to participants. The machines are not an ordinary way to travel. Riding them also involves danger and hardship; suffering for the cause increases openness to personal change and an eventual feeling of accomplishment. Dubisch describes several ceremonial events along the run that evoke strong emotions. The wall itself has special power, meaning, and emotional impact. It causes outbursts of grief and recognizes both the individual dead and the departed as a whole. Some riders say they hear the spirits of the dead talking at the wall when they are there at night. This pilgrimage has a lasting, transformational effect on its participants, and illustrates the importance of feelings and emotion associated with religion and ritual. According to Jill Dubisch in "Run for the Wall: An American Pilgrimage," the "run" is taken annually by a group of motorcyclists who start the ride in California, stop nightly for rest and ritual ceremonies, and end at the Vietnam Veterans Memorial in Washington, DC.

Q: The Worst Lover: Boyfriend Spirits in Senegal RACHEL MUELLER Summary This article by Rachel Mueller details the unique coexistence and cooperation in modern Senegal of the Sufi sect of Islam, and Lbou, a religious cult that attributes inexplicable behavior, health issues, and adversity to troublesome spirits (rab) who intentionally interact and sometimes possess girls and women. According to Mueller, Senegal is a growing, cosmopolitan country filled with history and a tradition of great hospitality, or terenga. By all appearancesprayer mats in office buildings, posters and photos of Islamic holy men in the cities' taxis, and people in prayer five times a daySenegal, and in particular, Dakar, is filled with people who practice Islam. Sprinkled among the followers of Muhammad are individuals who adhere to a religious tradition that involves invisible spirits roaming the earth and interacting with humans, sometimes in an unpleasant and troublesome manner. Mueller details the reasons these spirits are unhappy, and relates tales of their efforts to possess young women who are beautiful and well dressed. Women and girls are encouraged to cover their knees in public (these are a particular weakness of the faru rab, the "boyfriend spirits" who possess and preoccupy girls and women) and dress conservatively, even while sleeping. Islam and Lbou intersect at times, namely when Islamic holy men are called upon to communicate with the spirits who bother women. Significantly, however, female healers and priestesses (called an ndeppkat) also play an important role in liaising with the spirit world. Both the Islamic holy men and the ndeppkat, Mueller explains, learn about the rab and determine what can be done to discourage or drive him away. The remedies may include bathing in holy water, making animal sacrifices, and dressing in a color unpleasant to the rab. Unfortunately, these efforts do not always work, and an elaborate ritual called an ndepp may be necessary to exorcise the rab entirely. Mueller elaborates on the intersection of Islam and Lbou, as well as the effect that modernization, globalization, and the Internet might have on the future of the Lbou beliefs and traditions. Although Senegalese with financial means now turn to Western doctors for solutions to what they believe is rab spirit control, and some of the effects are cured, many continue to turn to healers because the rab spirit world is so strongly engrained in the Lbou culture. According to Mueller in "The Worst Lover: Boyfriend Spirits in Senegal," although there are many different types of rab, Madge-juenne, is known to be the most vicious and should be avoided at all costs.

Q: The Worst Lover: Boyfriend Spirits in Senegal RACHEL MUELLER Summary This article by Rachel Mueller details the unique coexistence and cooperation in modern Senegal of the Sufi sect of Islam, and Lbou, a religious cult that attributes inexplicable behavior, health issues, and adversity to troublesome spirits (rab) who intentionally interact and sometimes possess girls and women. According to Mueller, Senegal is a growing, cosmopolitan country filled with history and a tradition of great hospitality, or terenga. By all appearancesprayer mats in office buildings, posters and photos of Islamic holy men in the cities' taxis, and people in prayer five times a daySenegal, and in particular, Dakar, is filled with people who practice Islam. Sprinkled among the followers of Muhammad are individuals who adhere to a religious tradition that involves invisible spirits roaming the earth and interacting with humans, sometimes in an unpleasant and troublesome manner. Mueller details the reasons these spirits are unhappy, and relates tales of their efforts to possess young women who are beautiful and well dressed. Women and girls are encouraged to cover their knees in public (these are a particular weakness of the faru rab, the "boyfriend spirits" who possess and preoccupy girls and women) and dress conservatively, even while sleeping. Islam and Lbou intersect at times, namely when Islamic holy men are called upon to communicate with the spirits who bother women. Significantly, however, female healers and priestesses (called an ndeppkat) also play an important role in liaising with the spirit world. Both the Islamic holy men and the ndeppkat, Mueller explains, learn about the rab and determine what can be done to discourage or drive him away. The remedies may include bathing in holy water, making animal sacrifices, and dressing in a color unpleasant to the rab. Unfortunately, these efforts do not always work, and an elaborate ritual called an ndepp may be necessary to exorcise the rab entirely. Mueller elaborates on the intersection of Islam and Lbou, as well as the effect that modernization, globalization, and the Internet might have on the future of the Lbou beliefs and traditions. Although Senegalese with financial means now turn to Western doctors for solutions to what they believe is rab spirit control, and some of the effects are cured, many continue to turn to healers because the rab spirit world is so strongly engrained in the Lbou culture. According to Mueller in "The Worst Lover: Boyfriend Spirits in Senegal," the people of the Lbou district of Dakar believe that faru rab have the power to, among other things, prevent women from speaking, give them sexual dreams, and trigger infertility.

Q: The Worst Lover: Boyfriend Spirits in Senegal RACHEL MUELLER Summary This article by Rachel Mueller details the unique coexistence and cooperation in modern Senegal of the Sufi sect of Islam, and Lbou, a religious cult that attributes inexplicable behavior, health issues, and adversity to troublesome spirits (rab) who intentionally interact and sometimes possess girls and women. According to Mueller, Senegal is a growing, cosmopolitan country filled with history and a tradition of great hospitality, or terenga. By all appearancesprayer mats in office buildings, posters and photos of Islamic holy men in the cities' taxis, and people in prayer five times a daySenegal, and in particular, Dakar, is filled with people who practice Islam. Sprinkled among the followers of Muhammad are individuals who adhere to a religious tradition that involves invisible spirits roaming the earth and interacting with humans, sometimes in an unpleasant and troublesome manner. Mueller details the reasons these spirits are unhappy, and relates tales of their efforts to possess young women who are beautiful and well dressed. Women and girls are encouraged to cover their knees in public (these are a particular weakness of the faru rab, the "boyfriend spirits" who possess and preoccupy girls and women) and dress conservatively, even while sleeping. Islam and Lbou intersect at times, namely when Islamic holy men are called upon to communicate with the spirits who bother women. Significantly, however, female healers and priestesses (called an ndeppkat) also play an important role in liaising with the spirit world. Both the Islamic holy men and the ndeppkat, Mueller explains, learn about the rab and determine what can be done to discourage or drive him away. The remedies may include bathing in holy water, making animal sacrifices, and dressing in a color unpleasant to the rab. Unfortunately, these efforts do not always work, and an elaborate ritual called an ndepp may be necessary to exorcise the rab entirely. Mueller elaborates on the intersection of Islam and Lbou, as well as the effect that modernization, globalization, and the Internet might have on the future of the Lbou beliefs and traditions. Although Senegalese with financial means now turn to Western doctors for solutions to what they believe is rab spirit control, and some of the effects are cured, many continue to turn to healers because the rab spirit world is so strongly engrained in the Lbou culture. In "The Worst Lover: Boyfriend Spirits in Senegal," Mueller notes that, in Lbou religious tradition, the rab originally coexisted in harmony with humans, but became angered by their practice of Islam.

Q: The Worst Lover: Boyfriend Spirits in Senegal RACHEL MUELLER Summary This article by Rachel Mueller details the unique coexistence and cooperation in modern Senegal of the Sufi sect of Islam, and Lbou, a religious cult that attributes inexplicable behavior, health issues, and adversity to troublesome spirits (rab) who intentionally interact and sometimes possess girls and women. According to Mueller, Senegal is a growing, cosmopolitan country filled with history and a tradition of great hospitality, or terenga. By all appearancesprayer mats in office buildings, posters and photos of Islamic holy men in the cities' taxis, and people in prayer five times a daySenegal, and in particular, Dakar, is filled with people who practice Islam. Sprinkled among the followers of Muhammad are individuals who adhere to a religious tradition that involves invisible spirits roaming the earth and interacting with humans, sometimes in an unpleasant and troublesome manner. Mueller details the reasons these spirits are unhappy, and relates tales of their efforts to possess young women who are beautiful and well dressed. Women and girls are encouraged to cover their knees in public (these are a particular weakness of the faru rab, the "boyfriend spirits" who possess and preoccupy girls and women) and dress conservatively, even while sleeping. Islam and Lbou intersect at times, namely when Islamic holy men are called upon to communicate with the spirits who bother women. Significantly, however, female healers and priestesses (called an ndeppkat) also play an important role in liaising with the spirit world. Both the Islamic holy men and the ndeppkat, Mueller explains, learn about the rab and determine what can be done to discourage or drive him away. The remedies may include bathing in holy water, making animal sacrifices, and dressing in a color unpleasant to the rab. Unfortunately, these efforts do not always work, and an elaborate ritual called an ndepp may be necessary to exorcise the rab entirely. Mueller elaborates on the intersection of Islam and Lbou, as well as the effect that modernization, globalization, and the Internet might have on the future of the Lbou beliefs and traditions. Although Senegalese with financial means now turn to Western doctors for solutions to what they believe is rab spirit control, and some of the effects are cured, many continue to turn to healers because the rab spirit world is so strongly engrained in the Lbou culture. According to Rachel Mueller in "The Worst Lover: Boyfriend Spirits in Senegal," the more common religion in Senegal is the Sufi sect of Islam. However, it is not uncommon for young women to be possessed by jealous and vindictive "boyfriend spirits" called faru rab, who make women act crazy and take off all of their clothes.

Q: Navigating Nigerian Bureaucracies ELIZABETH A. EAMES Summary In this article, Elizabeth A. Eames describes her experiences in Nigeria both from the perspective of an anthropologist and as an individual raised in the U.S. bureaucratic system. She shares the lessons she learned as she tried to decipher the rules of proper behavior, and concludes with a discussion of Max Weber's concept of patrimonial authority. Eames' experiences and frustrations with the Nigerian social system stemmed in part from her "American-ness," her belief in equal and efficient treatment for all. Much to her surprise, the social system in Nigeria operated on different principles: in Nigeria, rights are negotiable, bribery is a legitimate way of doing business, and power comes from being in a position to grant favors to others. The author's introduction to the intricacies of Nigerian society and how much it depends on interpersonal relations began before she ever set foot on Nigerian soil: a personal connection rescued her visa from the maze of paperwork at the New York consulate. At the time she had no idea how important the currency of favors and gratitude was to the social system, but quickly came to understand that these, along with hospitality and strong greeting skills, were the only way to accomplish anything in the patrimonial bureaucracy that operates in Nigeria today. Seemingly simple undertakings, such as getting immigration forms signed, registering as a graduate student, and extending her visatasks that were typically routine, impersonal, and efficient in a legally dominated bureaucracy such as in the United Stateswere time-consuming, confusing, and nowhere near routine. For some of these tasks, the simple act of describing the problem led from one contact to another, and eventually a resolution presented itself. As her network of contacts grew, so did her ability to get things done. Eames also learned the hard way that not allowing acquaintances to assist her had significant consequences; it was seen as a betrayal or a denial of a relationship. Everything in Nigeria, the author came to understand, was personal. The author describes Max Weber's ideals of legal and patrimonial domination, and articulates the six principles of patrimonial administration that Weber believed would eventually be replaced by bureaucracy. Eames disputes this claim. Because an individual's understanding of hierarchy is based on the relationship of infant and caretaker, Eames believes this creates a psychological need for personalized treatment when interacting with authority figures. This tendency causes individualseven in legal bureaucraciesto hope for personal treatment and resent impersonal, cold interactions. In Nigerian society, a personal relationship is required to begin a business transaction.

Q: Navigating Nigerian Bureaucracies ELIZABETH A. EAMES Summary In this article, Elizabeth A. Eames describes her experiences in Nigeria both from the perspective of an anthropologist and as an individual raised in the U.S. bureaucratic system. She shares the lessons she learned as she tried to decipher the rules of proper behavior, and concludes with a discussion of Max Weber's concept of patrimonial authority. Eames' experiences and frustrations with the Nigerian social system stemmed in part from her "American-ness," her belief in equal and efficient treatment for all. Much to her surprise, the social system in Nigeria operated on different principles: in Nigeria, rights are negotiable, bribery is a legitimate way of doing business, and power comes from being in a position to grant favors to others. The author's introduction to the intricacies of Nigerian society and how much it depends on interpersonal relations began before she ever set foot on Nigerian soil: a personal connection rescued her visa from the maze of paperwork at the New York consulate. At the time she had no idea how important the currency of favors and gratitude was to the social system, but quickly came to understand that these, along with hospitality and strong greeting skills, were the only way to accomplish anything in the patrimonial bureaucracy that operates in Nigeria today. Seemingly simple undertakings, such as getting immigration forms signed, registering as a graduate student, and extending her visatasks that were typically routine, impersonal, and efficient in a legally dominated bureaucracy such as in the United Stateswere time-consuming, confusing, and nowhere near routine. For some of these tasks, the simple act of describing the problem led from one contact to another, and eventually a resolution presented itself. As her network of contacts grew, so did her ability to get things done. Eames also learned the hard way that not allowing acquaintances to assist her had significant consequences; it was seen as a betrayal or a denial of a relationship. Everything in Nigeria, the author came to understand, was personal. The author describes Max Weber's ideals of legal and patrimonial domination, and articulates the six principles of patrimonial administration that Weber believed would eventually be replaced by bureaucracy. Eames disputes this claim. Because an individual's understanding of hierarchy is based on the relationship of infant and caretaker, Eames believes this creates a psychological need for personalized treatment when interacting with authority figures. This tendency causes individualseven in legal bureaucraciesto hope for personal treatment and resent impersonal, cold interactions. Dash and Long-Leg are Nigerian terms that refer to types of runners.

Q: Navigating Nigerian BureaucraciesELIZABETH A. EAMESSummary In this article, Elizabeth A. Eames describes her experiences in Nigeria both from the perspective of an anthropologist and as an individual raised in the U.S. bureaucratic system. She shares the lessons she learned as she tried to decipher the rules of proper behavior, and concludes with a discussion of Max Weber's concept of patrimonial authority.Eames' experiences and frustrations with the Nigerian social system stemmed in part from her "American-ness," her belief in equal and efficient treatment for all. Much to her surprise, the social system in Nigeria operated on different principles: in Nigeria, rights are negotiable, bribery is a legitimate way of doing business, and power comes from being in a position to grant favors to others.The author's introduction to the intricacies of Nigerian society and how much it depends on interpersonal relations began before she ever set foot on Nigerian soil: a personal connection rescued her visa from the maze of paperwork at the New York consulate. At the time she had no idea how important the currency of favors and gratitude was to the social system, but quickly came to understand that these, along with hospitality and strong greeting skills, were the only way to accomplish anything in the patrimonial bureaucracy that operates in Nigeria today. Seemingly simple undertakings, such as getting immigration forms signed, registering as a graduate student, and extending her visatasks that were typically routine, impersonal, and efficient in a legally dominated bureaucracy such as in the United Stateswere time-consuming, confusing, and nowhere near routine. For some of these tasks, the simple act of describing the problem led from one contact to another, and eventually a resolution presented itself. As her network of contacts grew, so did her ability to get things done. Eames also learned the hard way that not allowing acquaintances to assist her had significant consequences; it was seen as a betrayal or a denial of a relationship. Everything in Nigeria, the author came to understand, was personal.The author describes Max Weber's ideals of legal and patrimonial domination, and articulates the six principles of patrimonial administration that Weber believed would eventually be replaced by bureaucracy. Eames disputes this claim. Because an individual's understanding of hierarchy is based on the relationship of infant and caretaker, Eames believes this creates a psychological need for personalized treatment when interacting with authority figures. This tendency causes individualseven in legal bureaucraciesto hope for personal treatment and resent impersonal, cold interactions.In slash-and-burn agriculture, small pieces of land are cultivated for a few years until the soil is no longer fertile; then the piece of land is abandoned.

Q: Navigating Nigerian BureaucraciesELIZABETH A. EAMESSummary In this article, Elizabeth A. Eames describes her experiences in Nigeria both from the perspective of an anthropologist and as an individual raised in the U.S. bureaucratic system. She shares the lessons she learned as she tried to decipher the rules of proper behavior, and concludes with a discussion of Max Weber's concept of patrimonial authority.Eames' experiences and frustrations with the Nigerian social system stemmed in part from her "American-ness," her belief in equal and efficient treatment for all. Much to her surprise, the social system in Nigeria operated on different principles: in Nigeria, rights are negotiable, bribery is a legitimate way of doing business, and power comes from being in a position to grant favors to others.The author's introduction to the intricacies of Nigerian society and how much it depends on interpersonal relations began before she ever set foot on Nigerian soil: a personal connection rescued her visa from the maze of paperwork at the New York consulate. At the time she had no idea how important the currency of favors and gratitude was to the social system, but quickly came to understand that these, along with hospitality and strong greeting skills, were the only way to accomplish anything in the patrimonial bureaucracy that operates in Nigeria today. Seemingly simple undertakings, such as getting immigration forms signed, registering as a graduate student, and extending her visatasks that were typically routine, impersonal, and efficient in a legally dominated bureaucracy such as in the United Stateswere time-consuming, confusing, and nowhere near routine. For some of these tasks, the simple act of describing the problem led from one contact to another, and eventually a resolution presented itself. As her network of contacts grew, so did her ability to get things done. Eames also learned the hard way that not allowing acquaintances to assist her had significant consequences; it was seen as a betrayal or a denial of a relationship. Everything in Nigeria, the author came to understand, was personal.The author describes Max Weber's ideals of legal and patrimonial domination, and articulates the six principles of patrimonial administration that Weber believed would eventually be replaced by bureaucracy. Eames disputes this claim. Because an individual's understanding of hierarchy is based on the relationship of infant and caretaker, Eames believes this creates a psychological need for personalized treatment when interacting with authority figures. This tendency causes individualseven in legal bureaucraciesto hope for personal treatment and resent impersonal, cold interactions.In Nigerian society, the term begging refers to the act of asking strangers for money or food.

Q: Navigating Nigerian BureaucraciesELIZABETH A. EAMESSummary In this article, Elizabeth A. Eames describes her experiences in Nigeria both from the perspective of an anthropologist and as an individual raised in the U.S. bureaucratic system. She shares the lessons she learned as she tried to decipher the rules of proper behavior, and concludes with a discussion of Max Weber's concept of patrimonial authority.Eames' experiences and frustrations with the Nigerian social system stemmed in part from her "American-ness," her belief in equal and efficient treatment for all. Much to her surprise, the social system in Nigeria operated on different principles: in Nigeria, rights are negotiable, bribery is a legitimate way of doing business, and power comes from being in a position to grant favors to others.The author's introduction to the intricacies of Nigerian society and how much it depends on interpersonal relations began before she ever set foot on Nigerian soil: a personal connection rescued her visa from the maze of paperwork at the New York consulate. At the time she had no idea how important the currency of favors and gratitude was to the social system, but quickly came to understand that these, along with hospitality and strong greeting skills, were the only way to accomplish anything in the patrimonial bureaucracy that operates in Nigeria today. Seemingly simple undertakings, such as getting immigration forms signed, registering as a graduate student, and extending her visatasks that were typically routine, impersonal, and efficient in a legally dominated bureaucracy such as in the United Stateswere time-consuming, confusing, and nowhere near routine. For some of these tasks, the simple act of describing the problem led from one contact to another, and eventually a resolution presented itself. As her network of contacts grew, so did her ability to get things done. Eames also learned the hard way that not allowing acquaintances to assist her had significant consequences; it was seen as a betrayal or a denial of a relationship. Everything in Nigeria, the author came to understand, was personal.The author describes Max Weber's ideals of legal and patrimonial domination, and articulates the six principles of patrimonial administration that Weber believed would eventually be replaced by bureaucracy. Eames disputes this claim. Because an individual's understanding of hierarchy is based on the relationship of infant and caretaker, Eames believes this creates a psychological need for personalized treatment when interacting with authority figures. This tendency causes individualseven in legal bureaucraciesto hope for personal treatment and resent impersonal, cold interactions.Some of the most important aspects of a patrimonial authority are the speed and precision with which it operates and the lack of personalized relationships and irrational considerations that it incorporates.

Q: Navigating Nigerian Bureaucracies ELIZABETH A. EAMES Summary In this article, Elizabeth A. Eames describes her experiences in Nigeria both from the perspective of an anthropologist and as an individual raised in the U.S. bureaucratic system. She shares the lessons she learned as she tried to decipher the rules of proper behavior, and concludes with a discussion of Max Weber's concept of patrimonial authority. Eames' experiences and frustrations with the Nigerian social system stemmed in part from her "American-ness," her belief in equal and efficient treatment for all. Much to her surprise, the social system in Nigeria operated on different principles: in Nigeria, rights are negotiable, bribery is a legitimate way of doing business, and power comes from being in a position to grant favors to others. The author's introduction to the intricacies of Nigerian society and how much it depends on interpersonal relations began before she ever set foot on Nigerian soil: a personal connection rescued her visa from the maze of paperwork at the New York consulate. At the time she had no idea how important the currency of favors and gratitude was to the social system, but quickly came to understand that these, along with hospitality and strong greeting skills, were the only way to accomplish anything in the patrimonial bureaucracy that operates in Nigeria today. Seemingly simple undertakings, such as getting immigration forms signed, registering as a graduate student, and extending her visatasks that were typically routine, impersonal, and efficient in a legally dominated bureaucracy such as in the United Stateswere time-consuming, confusing, and nowhere near routine. For some of these tasks, the simple act of describing the problem led from one contact to another, and eventually a resolution presented itself. As her network of contacts grew, so did her ability to get things done. Eames also learned the hard way that not allowing acquaintances to assist her had significant consequences; it was seen as a betrayal or a denial of a relationship. Everything in Nigeria, the author came to understand, was personal. The author describes Max Weber's ideals of legal and patrimonial domination, and articulates the six principles of patrimonial administration that Weber believed would eventually be replaced by bureaucracy. Eames disputes this claim. Because an individual's understanding of hierarchy is based on the relationship of infant and caretaker, Eames believes this creates a psychological need for personalized treatment when interacting with authority figures. This tendency causes individualseven in legal bureaucraciesto hope for personal treatment and resent impersonal, cold interactions. According to Eames in "Negotiating Nigerian Bureaucracies," patrimonial authority is one that is organized as an extension of a noble household, where officials act as household servants and are dependents of the ruler.

Q: Navigating Nigerian BureaucraciesELIZABETH A. EAMESSummary In this article, Elizabeth A. Eames describes her experiences in Nigeria both from the perspective of an anthropologist and as an individual raised in the U.S. bureaucratic system. She shares the lessons she learned as she tried to decipher the rules of proper behavior, and concludes with a discussion of Max Weber's concept of patrimonial authority.Eames' experiences and frustrations with the Nigerian social system stemmed in part from her "American-ness," her belief in equal and efficient treatment for all. Much to her surprise, the social system in Nigeria operated on different principles: in Nigeria, rights are negotiable, bribery is a legitimate way of doing business, and power comes from being in a position to grant favors to others.The author's introduction to the intricacies of Nigerian society and how much it depends on interpersonal relations began before she ever set foot on Nigerian soil: a personal connection rescued her visa from the maze of paperwork at the New York consulate. At the time she had no idea how important the currency of favors and gratitude was to the social system, but quickly came to understand that these, along with hospitality and strong greeting skills, were the only way to accomplish anything in the patrimonial bureaucracy that operates in Nigeria today. Seemingly simple undertakings, such as getting immigration forms signed, registering as a graduate student, and extending her visatasks that were typically routine, impersonal, and efficient in a legally dominated bureaucracy such as in the United Stateswere time-consuming, confusing, and nowhere near routine. For some of these tasks, the simple act of describing the problem led from one contact to another, and eventually a resolution presented itself. As her network of contacts grew, so did her ability to get things done. Eames also learned the hard way that not allowing acquaintances to assist her had significant consequences; it was seen as a betrayal or a denial of a relationship. Everything in Nigeria, the author came to understand, was personal.The author describes Max Weber's ideals of legal and patrimonial domination, and articulates the six principles of patrimonial administration that Weber believed would eventually be replaced by bureaucracy. Eames disputes this claim. Because an individual's understanding of hierarchy is based on the relationship of infant and caretaker, Eames believes this creates a psychological need for personalized treatment when interacting with authority figures. This tendency causes individualseven in legal bureaucraciesto hope for personal treatment and resent impersonal, cold interactions.According to Elizabeth Eames in "Negotiating Nigerian Bureaucracies," Nigerian bureaucracies, like those in the west, are organized on the principle Max Weber called legal domination.

Q: Law and Order JAMES P. SPRADLEY AND DAVID W. McCURDY Summary In this article, Spradley and McCurdy present law in the context of dispute resolution, using cases drawn from anthropologist Laura Nader's work in Ralu"a, a Zapotec Indian village located in southern Mexico. The article deals with several concepts: the structure of legal culture, including substantive law and procedural law, legal levels, legal principles, and cultural values. Substantive law consists of the legal statutes that define right and wrong. This is illustrated by the flirtation of a married man with an unmarried woman, which the Zapotec treat as a crime. Similarly, the case of a son who harvested coffee from his father's land without permission is also defined as a crime to be dealt with by the community's legal system. Legal levels refer to the ways in which disputes are settled by different kinds of authority agents. Among the Zapotec, several levels for settling disputes exist. Disputes can be settled by family elders, witches, local officials, the priest, supernatural beings, or officials in the municipio. If all else fails, the dispute can be taken to the district court in Villa Alta. Procedural law refers to the agreed-upon ways to settle disputes, which are often unwritten, and therefore implicit in nature. In Ralu"a, for example, it is generally agreed that one should not take family disputes to court, and disputes between villagers (such as an argument over the washing stone) should be taken to court only if they cannot be settled between the disputing individuals beforehand. In this case, the dispute was settled when the presidente (village chairman who also presides over the village court) and other elected village officials formed a work force, improved the washing facilities at the well, and declared that washing stones would no longer be owned by individuals. Legal systems reflect legal principles and cultural values. Legal principles are based on the fundamental values of a culture; a legal principle is a broad conception of some desirable state of affairs that gives rise to many substantive and procedural rules. Americans put great emphasis on establishing truth, while for the Zapotec, a major legal principle is to "make the balance." This means to encourage compromise and settlement so that disputes disappear and disputants get along with each other in the future. This in turn is based on the Zapotec cultural value of maintaining social equilibrium. A direct confrontation between individuals where one loses and another wins is unsettling to community members. According to Spradley and McCurdy in "Law and Order," the system of legal levels in the Zapotec village of Ralu"a means that disputes can only be settled by the presidente or principales.

Q: Law and Order JAMES P. SPRADLEY AND DAVID W. McCURDY Summary In this article, Spradley and McCurdy present law in the context of dispute resolution, using cases drawn from anthropologist Laura Nader's work in Ralu"a, a Zapotec Indian village located in southern Mexico. The article deals with several concepts: the structure of legal culture, including substantive law and procedural law, legal levels, legal principles, and cultural values. Substantive law consists of the legal statutes that define right and wrong. This is illustrated by the flirtation of a married man with an unmarried woman, which the Zapotec treat as a crime. Similarly, the case of a son who harvested coffee from his father's land without permission is also defined as a crime to be dealt with by the community's legal system. Legal levels refer to the ways in which disputes are settled by different kinds of authority agents. Among the Zapotec, several levels for settling disputes exist. Disputes can be settled by family elders, witches, local officials, the priest, supernatural beings, or officials in the municipio. If all else fails, the dispute can be taken to the district court in Villa Alta. Procedural law refers to the agreed-upon ways to settle disputes, which are often unwritten, and therefore implicit in nature. In Ralu"a, for example, it is generally agreed that one should not take family disputes to court, and disputes between villagers (such as an argument over the washing stone) should be taken to court only if they cannot be settled between the disputing individuals beforehand. In this case, the dispute was settled when the presidente (village chairman who also presides over the village court) and other elected village officials formed a work force, improved the washing facilities at the well, and declared that washing stones would no longer be owned by individuals. Legal systems reflect legal principles and cultural values. Legal principles are based on the fundamental values of a culture; a legal principle is a broad conception of some desirable state of affairs that gives rise to many substantive and procedural rules. Americans put great emphasis on establishing truth, while for the Zapotec, a major legal principle is to "make the balance." This means to encourage compromise and settlement so that disputes disappear and disputants get along with each other in the future. This in turn is based on the Zapotec cultural value of maintaining social equilibrium. A direct confrontation between individuals where one loses and another wins is unsettling to community members. According to Spradley and McCurdy in "Law and Order," in the Zapotec village of Ralu"a, frightening someone so that they come down with susto or magical fright, is a crime.

Q: Law and Order JAMES P. SPRADLEY AND DAVID W. McCURDY Summary In this article, Spradley and McCurdy present law in the context of dispute resolution, using cases drawn from anthropologist Laura Nader's work in Ralu"a, a Zapotec Indian village located in southern Mexico. The article deals with several concepts: the structure of legal culture, including substantive law and procedural law, legal levels, legal principles, and cultural values. Substantive law consists of the legal statutes that define right and wrong. This is illustrated by the flirtation of a married man with an unmarried woman, which the Zapotec treat as a crime. Similarly, the case of a son who harvested coffee from his father's land without permission is also defined as a crime to be dealt with by the community's legal system. Legal levels refer to the ways in which disputes are settled by different kinds of authority agents. Among the Zapotec, several levels for settling disputes exist. Disputes can be settled by family elders, witches, local officials, the priest, supernatural beings, or officials in the municipio. If all else fails, the dispute can be taken to the district court in Villa Alta. Procedural law refers to the agreed-upon ways to settle disputes, which are often unwritten, and therefore implicit in nature. In Ralu"a, for example, it is generally agreed that one should not take family disputes to court, and disputes between villagers (such as an argument over the washing stone) should be taken to court only if they cannot be settled between the disputing individuals beforehand. In this case, the dispute was settled when the presidente (village chairman who also presides over the village court) and other elected village officials formed a work force, improved the washing facilities at the well, and declared that washing stones would no longer be owned by individuals. Legal systems reflect legal principles and cultural values. Legal principles are based on the fundamental values of a culture; a legal principle is a broad conception of some desirable state of affairs that gives rise to many substantive and procedural rules. Americans put great emphasis on establishing truth, while for the Zapotec, a major legal principle is to "make the balance." This means to encourage compromise and settlement so that disputes disappear and disputants get along with each other in the future. This in turn is based on the Zapotec cultural value of maintaining social equilibrium. A direct confrontation between individuals where one loses and another wins is unsettling to community members. According to Spradley and McCurdy in "Law and Order," a legal principle is defined as an agreed-upon way to settle a dispute.

Q: Law and Order JAMES P. SPRADLEY AND DAVID W. McCURDY Summary In this article, Spradley and McCurdy present law in the context of dispute resolution, using cases drawn from anthropologist Laura Nader's work in Ralu"a, a Zapotec Indian village located in southern Mexico. The article deals with several concepts: the structure of legal culture, including substantive law and procedural law, legal levels, legal principles, and cultural values. Substantive law consists of the legal statutes that define right and wrong. This is illustrated by the flirtation of a married man with an unmarried woman, which the Zapotec treat as a crime. Similarly, the case of a son who harvested coffee from his father's land without permission is also defined as a crime to be dealt with by the community's legal system. Legal levels refer to the ways in which disputes are settled by different kinds of authority agents. Among the Zapotec, several levels for settling disputes exist. Disputes can be settled by family elders, witches, local officials, the priest, supernatural beings, or officials in the municipio. If all else fails, the dispute can be taken to the district court in Villa Alta. Procedural law refers to the agreed-upon ways to settle disputes, which are often unwritten, and therefore implicit in nature. In Ralu"a, for example, it is generally agreed that one should not take family disputes to court, and disputes between villagers (such as an argument over the washing stone) should be taken to court only if they cannot be settled between the disputing individuals beforehand. In this case, the dispute was settled when the presidente (village chairman who also presides over the village court) and other elected village officials formed a work force, improved the washing facilities at the well, and declared that washing stones would no longer be owned by individuals. Legal systems reflect legal principles and cultural values. Legal principles are based on the fundamental values of a culture; a legal principle is a broad conception of some desirable state of affairs that gives rise to many substantive and procedural rules. Americans put great emphasis on establishing truth, while for the Zapotec, a major legal principle is to "make the balance." This means to encourage compromise and settlement so that disputes disappear and disputants get along with each other in the future. This in turn is based on the Zapotec cultural value of maintaining social equilibrium. A direct confrontation between individuals where one loses and another wins is unsettling to community members. According to Spradley and McCurdy in "Law and Order," a legal principle for the people who live in Ralu"a is "hacer el balance"to make the balance.

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