Anthropology

Q: Law and Order JAMES P. SPRADLEY AND DAVID W. McCURDY Summary In this article, Spradley and McCurdy present law in the context of dispute resolution, using cases drawn from anthropologist Laura Nader's work in Ralu"a, a Zapotec Indian village located in southern Mexico. The article deals with several concepts: the structure of legal culture, including substantive law and procedural law, legal levels, legal principles, and cultural values. Substantive law consists of the legal statutes that define right and wrong. This is illustrated by the flirtation of a married man with an unmarried woman, which the Zapotec treat as a crime. Similarly, the case of a son who harvested coffee from his father's land without permission is also defined as a crime to be dealt with by the community's legal system. Legal levels refer to the ways in which disputes are settled by different kinds of authority agents. Among the Zapotec, several levels for settling disputes exist. Disputes can be settled by family elders, witches, local officials, the priest, supernatural beings, or officials in the municipio. If all else fails, the dispute can be taken to the district court in Villa Alta. Procedural law refers to the agreed-upon ways to settle disputes, which are often unwritten, and therefore implicit in nature. In Ralu"a, for example, it is generally agreed that one should not take family disputes to court, and disputes between villagers (such as an argument over the washing stone) should be taken to court only if they cannot be settled between the disputing individuals beforehand. In this case, the dispute was settled when the presidente (village chairman who also presides over the village court) and other elected village officials formed a work force, improved the washing facilities at the well, and declared that washing stones would no longer be owned by individuals. Legal systems reflect legal principles and cultural values. Legal principles are based on the fundamental values of a culture; a legal principle is a broad conception of some desirable state of affairs that gives rise to many substantive and procedural rules. Americans put great emphasis on establishing truth, while for the Zapotec, a major legal principle is to "make the balance." This means to encourage compromise and settlement so that disputes disappear and disputants get along with each other in the future. This in turn is based on the Zapotec cultural value of maintaining social equilibrium. A direct confrontation between individuals where one loses and another wins is unsettling to community members. According to Spradley and McCurdy in "Law and Order," there is no substantive law that prohibits a man from beating his wife in the Zapotec village of Ralu"a.

Q: Law and Order JAMES P. SPRADLEY AND DAVID W. McCURDY Summary In this article, Spradley and McCurdy present law in the context of dispute resolution, using cases drawn from anthropologist Laura Nader's work in Ralu"a, a Zapotec Indian village located in southern Mexico. The article deals with several concepts: the structure of legal culture, including substantive law and procedural law, legal levels, legal principles, and cultural values. Substantive law consists of the legal statutes that define right and wrong. This is illustrated by the flirtation of a married man with an unmarried woman, which the Zapotec treat as a crime. Similarly, the case of a son who harvested coffee from his father's land without permission is also defined as a crime to be dealt with by the community's legal system. Legal levels refer to the ways in which disputes are settled by different kinds of authority agents. Among the Zapotec, several levels for settling disputes exist. Disputes can be settled by family elders, witches, local officials, the priest, supernatural beings, or officials in the municipio. If all else fails, the dispute can be taken to the district court in Villa Alta. Procedural law refers to the agreed-upon ways to settle disputes, which are often unwritten, and therefore implicit in nature. In Ralu"a, for example, it is generally agreed that one should not take family disputes to court, and disputes between villagers (such as an argument over the washing stone) should be taken to court only if they cannot be settled between the disputing individuals beforehand. In this case, the dispute was settled when the presidente (village chairman who also presides over the village court) and other elected village officials formed a work force, improved the washing facilities at the well, and declared that washing stones would no longer be owned by individuals. Legal systems reflect legal principles and cultural values. Legal principles are based on the fundamental values of a culture; a legal principle is a broad conception of some desirable state of affairs that gives rise to many substantive and procedural rules. Americans put great emphasis on establishing truth, while for the Zapotec, a major legal principle is to "make the balance." This means to encourage compromise and settlement so that disputes disappear and disputants get along with each other in the future. This in turn is based on the Zapotec cultural value of maintaining social equilibrium. A direct confrontation between individuals where one loses and another wins is unsettling to community members. According to Spradley and McCurdy in "Law and Order," substantive law is codified in writing in literate societies. In non-literate societies, people define what a crime is by using procedural law.

Q: Cross-Cultural Law:The Case of an American Gypsy ANNE SUTHERLAND Summary This article by Anne Sutherland looks at what happens when members of one culture live under the legal jurisdiction of another. The article describes the case of a young Gypsy man accused of using someone else's Social Security number, and the role played by an anthropologist in his court defense. The young Gypsy male used the Social Security number of a five-year-old nephew to apply for a car loan. Gypsies believe that their vitsa (clan) has rights over property such as names and Social Security numbers, and that vitsa members can share in these things. Although he had no intention of stealing the car or defrauding anyone, the man was charged under a law that makes it a felony to use someone else's Social Security number. The police also concluded that he was part of a car theft ring. Sutherland became involved in the case as an expert witness for the defense. Her first act was to discover whether the young man was a Gypsy and what his name was. Gypsies take on many "American" names, which they change often. Their identities are more typically associated with their vitsa, or clan, and a larger grouping of clans called a natsia. During the trial she testified that the young man had no intention of defrauding or stealing from anyone. She noted that it was usual for members of vitsas to share American names, Social Security numbers, and other marks of identity. Despite her testimony, however, the defendant was convicted. Sutherland concludes her article with three points. First, Gypsies, who are a nomadic group, do not stress individual identities, which are so important to settled Americans. For hundreds of years the people and governments of the countries in which they live have persecuted Gypsies. She cites ample evidence that American police also consider them a criminal society. Hiding their identities has been their response to this persecution. Second, Gypsies suffer in jail to an unusual extent because they believe they are polluted there. Gypsies avoid long contact with non-Gypsies and their food because the latter pollute (marime) them. Their own relatives shun them if this happens, and they must go through a period of purification before reintegration into their own society. Third, there is a clash between the Gypsy view of membership in a corporate kin group and the usual American view of individual rights. In "The Case of an American Gypsy," Sutherland notes that the young Gypsy man she helped to defend in court refused to eat jail food, as a protest for not being allowed to call his relatives.

Q: Cross-Cultural Law: The Case of an American GypsyANNE SUTHERLANDSummary This article by Anne Sutherland looks at what happens when members of one culture live under the legal jurisdiction of another. The article describes the case of a young Gypsy man accused of using someone else's Social Security number, and the role played by an anthropologist in his court defense.The young Gypsy male used the Social Security number of a five-year-old nephew to apply for a car loan. Gypsies believe that their vitsa (clan) has rights over property such as names and Social Security numbers, and that vitsa members can share in these things. Although he had no intention of stealing the car or defrauding anyone, the man was charged under a law that makes it a felony to use someone else's Social Security number. The police also concluded that he was part of a car theft ring.Sutherland became involved in the case as an expert witness for the defense. Her first act was to discover whether the young man was a Gypsy and what his name was. Gypsies take on many "American" names, which they change often. Their identities are more typically associated with their vitsa, or clan, and a larger grouping of clans called a natsia. During the trial she testified that the young man had no intention of defrauding or stealing from anyone. She noted that it was usual for members of vitsas to share American names, Social Security numbers, and other marks of identity. Despite her testimony, however, the defendant was convicted.Sutherland concludes her article with three points. First, Gypsies, who are a nomadic group, do not stress individual identities, which are so important to settled Americans. For hundreds of years the people and governments of the countries in which they live have persecuted Gypsies. She cites ample evidence that American police also consider them a criminal society. Hiding their identities has been their response to this persecution. Second, Gypsies suffer in jail to an unusual extent because they believe they are polluted there. Gypsies avoid long contact with non-Gypsies and their food because the latter pollute (marime) them. Their own relatives shun them if this happens, and they must go through a period of purification before reintegration into their own society. Third, there is a clash between the Gypsy view of membership in a corporate kin group and the usual American view of individual rights.In "The Case of an American Gypsy," Sutherland argues that Gypsies hide their personal identities as a way to combat persecution by members of the societies in which they live.

Q: Cross-Cultural Law:The Case of an American Gypsy ANNE SUTHERLAND Summary This article by Anne Sutherland looks at what happens when members of one culture live under the legal jurisdiction of another. The article describes the case of a young Gypsy man accused of using someone else's Social Security number, and the role played by an anthropologist in his court defense. The young Gypsy male used the Social Security number of a five-year-old nephew to apply for a car loan. Gypsies believe that their vitsa (clan) has rights over property such as names and Social Security numbers, and that vitsa members can share in these things. Although he had no intention of stealing the car or defrauding anyone, the man was charged under a law that makes it a felony to use someone else's Social Security number. The police also concluded that he was part of a car theft ring. Sutherland became involved in the case as an expert witness for the defense. Her first act was to discover whether the young man was a Gypsy and what his name was. Gypsies take on many "American" names, which they change often. Their identities are more typically associated with their vitsa, or clan, and a larger grouping of clans called a natsia. During the trial she testified that the young man had no intention of defrauding or stealing from anyone. She noted that it was usual for members of vitsas to share American names, Social Security numbers, and other marks of identity. Despite her testimony, however, the defendant was convicted. Sutherland concludes her article with three points. First, Gypsies, who are a nomadic group, do not stress individual identities, which are so important to settled Americans. For hundreds of years the people and governments of the countries in which they live have persecuted Gypsies. She cites ample evidence that American police also consider them a criminal society. Hiding their identities has been their response to this persecution. Second, Gypsies suffer in jail to an unusual extent because they believe they are polluted there. Gypsies avoid long contact with non-Gypsies and their food because the latter pollute (marime) them. Their own relatives shun them if this happens, and they must go through a period of purification before reintegration into their own society. Third, there is a clash between the Gypsy view of membership in a corporate kin group and the usual American view of individual rights. According to Sutherland in "The Case of an American Gypsy," the largest group to which Gypsies belong is called the vitsa.

Q: Cross-Cultural Law:The Case of an American Gypsy ANNE SUTHERLAND Summary This article by Anne Sutherland looks at what happens when members of one culture live under the legal jurisdiction of another. The article describes the case of a young Gypsy man accused of using someone else's Social Security number, and the role played by an anthropologist in his court defense. The young Gypsy male used the Social Security number of a five-year-old nephew to apply for a car loan. Gypsies believe that their vitsa (clan) has rights over property such as names and Social Security numbers, and that vitsa members can share in these things. Although he had no intention of stealing the car or defrauding anyone, the man was charged under a law that makes it a felony to use someone else's Social Security number. The police also concluded that he was part of a car theft ring. Sutherland became involved in the case as an expert witness for the defense. Her first act was to discover whether the young man was a Gypsy and what his name was. Gypsies take on many "American" names, which they change often. Their identities are more typically associated with their vitsa, or clan, and a larger grouping of clans called a natsia. During the trial she testified that the young man had no intention of defrauding or stealing from anyone. She noted that it was usual for members of vitsas to share American names, Social Security numbers, and other marks of identity. Despite her testimony, however, the defendant was convicted. Sutherland concludes her article with three points. First, Gypsies, who are a nomadic group, do not stress individual identities, which are so important to settled Americans. For hundreds of years the people and governments of the countries in which they live have persecuted Gypsies. She cites ample evidence that American police also consider them a criminal society. Hiding their identities has been their response to this persecution. Second, Gypsies suffer in jail to an unusual extent because they believe they are polluted there. Gypsies avoid long contact with non-Gypsies and their food because the latter pollute (marime) them. Their own relatives shun them if this happens, and they must go through a period of purification before reintegration into their own society. Third, there is a clash between the Gypsy view of membership in a corporate kin group and the usual American view of individual rights. In "The Case of an American Gypsy," Sutherland describes a case in which a young Gypsy man was accused of fraud by police in St. Paul, Minnesota.

Q: Cross-Cultural Law:The Case of an American Gypsy ANNE SUTHERLAND Summary This article by Anne Sutherland looks at what happens when members of one culture live under the legal jurisdiction of another. The article describes the case of a young Gypsy man accused of using someone else's Social Security number, and the role played by an anthropologist in his court defense. The young Gypsy male used the Social Security number of a five-year-old nephew to apply for a car loan. Gypsies believe that their vitsa (clan) has rights over property such as names and Social Security numbers, and that vitsa members can share in these things. Although he had no intention of stealing the car or defrauding anyone, the man was charged under a law that makes it a felony to use someone else's Social Security number. The police also concluded that he was part of a car theft ring. Sutherland became involved in the case as an expert witness for the defense. Her first act was to discover whether the young man was a Gypsy and what his name was. Gypsies take on many "American" names, which they change often. Their identities are more typically associated with their vitsa, or clan, and a larger grouping of clans called a natsia. During the trial she testified that the young man had no intention of defrauding or stealing from anyone. She noted that it was usual for members of vitsas to share American names, Social Security numbers, and other marks of identity. Despite her testimony, however, the defendant was convicted. Sutherland concludes her article with three points. First, Gypsies, who are a nomadic group, do not stress individual identities, which are so important to settled Americans. For hundreds of years the people and governments of the countries in which they live have persecuted Gypsies. She cites ample evidence that American police also consider them a criminal society. Hiding their identities has been their response to this persecution. Second, Gypsies suffer in jail to an unusual extent because they believe they are polluted there. Gypsies avoid long contact with non-Gypsies and their food because the latter pollute (marime) them. Their own relatives shun them if this happens, and they must go through a period of purification before reintegration into their own society. Third, there is a clash between the Gypsy view of membership in a corporate kin group and the usual American view of individual rights. According to Sutherland in "The Case of an American Gypsy," Gypsies frequently take one another's Social Security numbers in order to hide their identities.

Q: Cross-Cultural Law:The Case of an American Gypsy ANNE SUTHERLAND Summary This article by Anne Sutherland looks at what happens when members of one culture live under the legal jurisdiction of another. The article describes the case of a young Gypsy man accused of using someone else's Social Security number, and the role played by an anthropologist in his court defense. The young Gypsy male used the Social Security number of a five-year-old nephew to apply for a car loan. Gypsies believe that their vitsa (clan) has rights over property such as names and Social Security numbers, and that vitsa members can share in these things. Although he had no intention of stealing the car or defrauding anyone, the man was charged under a law that makes it a felony to use someone else's Social Security number. The police also concluded that he was part of a car theft ring. Sutherland became involved in the case as an expert witness for the defense. Her first act was to discover whether the young man was a Gypsy and what his name was. Gypsies take on many "American" names, which they change often. Their identities are more typically associated with their vitsa, or clan, and a larger grouping of clans called a natsia. During the trial she testified that the young man had no intention of defrauding or stealing from anyone. She noted that it was usual for members of vitsas to share American names, Social Security numbers, and other marks of identity. Despite her testimony, however, the defendant was convicted. Sutherland concludes her article with three points. First, Gypsies, who are a nomadic group, do not stress individual identities, which are so important to settled Americans. For hundreds of years the people and governments of the countries in which they live have persecuted Gypsies. She cites ample evidence that American police also consider them a criminal society. Hiding their identities has been their response to this persecution. Second, Gypsies suffer in jail to an unusual extent because they believe they are polluted there. Gypsies avoid long contact with non-Gypsies and their food because the latter pollute (marime) them. Their own relatives shun them if this happens, and they must go through a period of purification before reintegration into their own society. Third, there is a clash between the Gypsy view of membership in a corporate kin group and the usual American view of individual rights. In "The Case of an American Gypsy," Anne Sutherland describes a legal case in which a 19-year-old Gypsy man was convicted of using someone else's Social Security number, despite the fact that he had no intention of defrauding anyone.

Q: Motorcycles, Membership, and Belonging DAVID W. McCURDY Summary In his article entitled "Motorcycles, Membership, and Belonging," David McCurdy discusses the ways humans form groups, identifying the more common ways for Americans and drawing a comparison between the traditional kinship group in rural India and the more American method of social aggregation based on shared interests. Indian families would be surprised, McCurdy suggests, to see how American families live in comparison to their own existence in large, close-knit groups of extended families. Americans grow up in small nuclear families, often with parents out working. Neighbors are often strangers, and people can appear lonely. American society values individualism, independence, and competition. However, McCurdy believes that Americans find satisfying social connections not from families and neighbors, but instead from other groups: networks of friends from local taverns, work organizations, and civic groups. He contends that these groups, as well as those formed around shared interests, provide members with a sense of self-worth and a safe place to express their social needs. To illustrate his argument, McCurdy describes the Gold Wing Recreational Rider Association (GWRRA), a group formed in 1976 by seven couples in Phoenix, Arizona, who owned Honda Gold Wing motorcycles and wanted to connect with others for the purposes of touring. Since then, this group has grown to include more than 70,000 members in the United States, Canada, and 10 other countries. It boasts a paid staff, an army of volunteers, 10 deputy directors, nine American and three Canadian regional directors, 49 district directors, and 586 chapter directors. It has an annual rally called the "Wing Ding" that draws over 10,000 participants. Local chapters gather for a variety of events, including monthly meetings, weekly rides, and fund-raisers. McCurdy argues that the core values of this organization reflect the values and symbolism of kinship groups and offer participants a framework of belonging and opportunities to express themselves. Participation in the GWRRA brings with it a certain expectation of behavior. Members show off their motorcycles, and are expected to have pride in their machines, cleaning and adorning them with chrome and other accents. Participation is encouraged and rewarded by pins and patches. Safety is of utmost importance, and members are discouraged from showing off, driving after drinking, and riding aggressively. Additionally, couples are a valued part of the group, and members are strongly encouraged to participate and tour with the group, despite the physical challenges of motorcycle riding. McCurdy concludes that belonging to a group of individuals who share an interest provides Americans with a feeling of belonging that many do not find at home or work. It offers the opportunity for personal recognition, a sense of self-worth, and a way to express themselves. For many, McCurdy argues, this organized group provides what he calls a "non-family home." The Gold Wing Road Riders Association was formed in 1976 by seven couples who lived in Phoenix, Arizona.

Q: Motorcycles, Membership, and Belonging DAVID W. McCURDY Summary In his article entitled "Motorcycles, Membership, and Belonging," David McCurdy discusses the ways humans form groups, identifying the more common ways for Americans and drawing a comparison between the traditional kinship group in rural India and the more American method of social aggregation based on shared interests. Indian families would be surprised, McCurdy suggests, to see how American families live in comparison to their own existence in large, close-knit groups of extended families. Americans grow up in small nuclear families, often with parents out working. Neighbors are often strangers, and people can appear lonely. American society values individualism, independence, and competition. However, McCurdy believes that Americans find satisfying social connections not from families and neighbors, but instead from other groups: networks of friends from local taverns, work organizations, and civic groups. He contends that these groups, as well as those formed around shared interests, provide members with a sense of self-worth and a safe place to express their social needs. To illustrate his argument, McCurdy describes the Gold Wing Recreational Rider Association (GWRRA), a group formed in 1976 by seven couples in Phoenix, Arizona, who owned Honda Gold Wing motorcycles and wanted to connect with others for the purposes of touring. Since then, this group has grown to include more than 70,000 members in the United States, Canada, and 10 other countries. It boasts a paid staff, an army of volunteers, 10 deputy directors, nine American and three Canadian regional directors, 49 district directors, and 586 chapter directors. It has an annual rally called the "Wing Ding" that draws over 10,000 participants. Local chapters gather for a variety of events, including monthly meetings, weekly rides, and fund-raisers. McCurdy argues that the core values of this organization reflect the values and symbolism of kinship groups and offer participants a framework of belonging and opportunities to express themselves. Participation in the GWRRA brings with it a certain expectation of behavior. Members show off their motorcycles, and are expected to have pride in their machines, cleaning and adorning them with chrome and other accents. Participation is encouraged and rewarded by pins and patches. Safety is of utmost importance, and members are discouraged from showing off, driving after drinking, and riding aggressively. Additionally, couples are a valued part of the group, and members are strongly encouraged to participate and tour with the group, despite the physical challenges of motorcycle riding. McCurdy concludes that belonging to a group of individuals who share an interest provides Americans with a feeling of belonging that many do not find at home or work. It offers the opportunity for personal recognition, a sense of self-worth, and a way to express themselves. For many, McCurdy argues, this organized group provides what he calls a "non-family home." Although designed for comfort and touring, the Gold Wing motorcycle, introduced by Honda in 1965, was quickly adopted by sports-minded riders.

Q: Motorcycles, Membership, and Belonging DAVID W. McCURDY Summary In his article entitled "Motorcycles, Membership, and Belonging," David McCurdy discusses the ways humans form groups, identifying the more common ways for Americans and drawing a comparison between the traditional kinship group in rural India and the more American method of social aggregation based on shared interests. Indian families would be surprised, McCurdy suggests, to see how American families live in comparison to their own existence in large, close-knit groups of extended families. Americans grow up in small nuclear families, often with parents out working. Neighbors are often strangers, and people can appear lonely. American society values individualism, independence, and competition. However, McCurdy believes that Americans find satisfying social connections not from families and neighbors, but instead from other groups: networks of friends from local taverns, work organizations, and civic groups. He contends that these groups, as well as those formed around shared interests, provide members with a sense of self-worth and a safe place to express their social needs. To illustrate his argument, McCurdy describes the Gold Wing Recreational Rider Association (GWRRA), a group formed in 1976 by seven couples in Phoenix, Arizona, who owned Honda Gold Wing motorcycles and wanted to connect with others for the purposes of touring. Since then, this group has grown to include more than 70,000 members in the United States, Canada, and 10 other countries. It boasts a paid staff, an army of volunteers, 10 deputy directors, nine American and three Canadian regional directors, 49 district directors, and 586 chapter directors. It has an annual rally called the "Wing Ding" that draws over 10,000 participants. Local chapters gather for a variety of events, including monthly meetings, weekly rides, and fund-raisers. McCurdy argues that the core values of this organization reflect the values and symbolism of kinship groups and offer participants a framework of belonging and opportunities to express themselves. Participation in the GWRRA brings with it a certain expectation of behavior. Members show off their motorcycles, and are expected to have pride in their machines, cleaning and adorning them with chrome and other accents. Participation is encouraged and rewarded by pins and patches. Safety is of utmost importance, and members are discouraged from showing off, driving after drinking, and riding aggressively. Additionally, couples are a valued part of the group, and members are strongly encouraged to participate and tour with the group, despite the physical challenges of motorcycle riding. McCurdy concludes that belonging to a group of individuals who share an interest provides Americans with a feeling of belonging that many do not find at home or work. It offers the opportunity for personal recognition, a sense of self-worth, and a way to express themselves. For many, McCurdy argues, this organized group provides what he calls a "non-family home." According to McCurdy in "Motorcycles, Membership, and Belonging," interest groups such as the Gold Wing Road Riders Association (GWRRA) provide members with a feeling of shared interest, sense of achievement, and self-worth that they may lack in other aspects of their lives.

Q: Motorcycles, Membership, and Belonging DAVID W. McCURDY Summary In his article entitled "Motorcycles, Membership, and Belonging," David McCurdy discusses the ways humans form groups, identifying the more common ways for Americans and drawing a comparison between the traditional kinship group in rural India and the more American method of social aggregation based on shared interests. Indian families would be surprised, McCurdy suggests, to see how American families live in comparison to their own existence in large, close-knit groups of extended families. Americans grow up in small nuclear families, often with parents out working. Neighbors are often strangers, and people can appear lonely. American society values individualism, independence, and competition. However, McCurdy believes that Americans find satisfying social connections not from families and neighbors, but instead from other groups: networks of friends from local taverns, work organizations, and civic groups. He contends that these groups, as well as those formed around shared interests, provide members with a sense of self-worth and a safe place to express their social needs. To illustrate his argument, McCurdy describes the Gold Wing Recreational Rider Association (GWRRA), a group formed in 1976 by seven couples in Phoenix, Arizona, who owned Honda Gold Wing motorcycles and wanted to connect with others for the purposes of touring. Since then, this group has grown to include more than 70,000 members in the United States, Canada, and 10 other countries. It boasts a paid staff, an army of volunteers, 10 deputy directors, nine American and three Canadian regional directors, 49 district directors, and 586 chapter directors. It has an annual rally called the "Wing Ding" that draws over 10,000 participants. Local chapters gather for a variety of events, including monthly meetings, weekly rides, and fund-raisers. McCurdy argues that the core values of this organization reflect the values and symbolism of kinship groups and offer participants a framework of belonging and opportunities to express themselves. Participation in the GWRRA brings with it a certain expectation of behavior. Members show off their motorcycles, and are expected to have pride in their machines, cleaning and adorning them with chrome and other accents. Participation is encouraged and rewarded by pins and patches. Safety is of utmost importance, and members are discouraged from showing off, driving after drinking, and riding aggressively. Additionally, couples are a valued part of the group, and members are strongly encouraged to participate and tour with the group, despite the physical challenges of motorcycle riding. McCurdy concludes that belonging to a group of individuals who share an interest provides Americans with a feeling of belonging that many do not find at home or work. It offers the opportunity for personal recognition, a sense of self-worth, and a way to express themselves. For many, McCurdy argues, this organized group provides what he calls a "non-family home." In "Motorcycles, Membership, and Belonging," McCurdy argues that individuals in Indian society have turned to personal networks outside of their family, including groups of people from local taverns, civic organizations, and special interests, for satisfying social connections.

Q: Motorcycles, Membership, and Belonging DAVID W. McCURDY Summary In his article entitled "Motorcycles, Membership, and Belonging," David McCurdy discusses the ways humans form groups, identifying the more common ways for Americans and drawing a comparison between the traditional kinship group in rural India and the more American method of social aggregation based on shared interests. Indian families would be surprised, McCurdy suggests, to see how American families live in comparison to their own existence in large, close-knit groups of extended families. Americans grow up in small nuclear families, often with parents out working. Neighbors are often strangers, and people can appear lonely. American society values individualism, independence, and competition. However, McCurdy believes that Americans find satisfying social connections not from families and neighbors, but instead from other groups: networks of friends from local taverns, work organizations, and civic groups. He contends that these groups, as well as those formed around shared interests, provide members with a sense of self-worth and a safe place to express their social needs. To illustrate his argument, McCurdy describes the Gold Wing Recreational Rider Association (GWRRA), a group formed in 1976 by seven couples in Phoenix, Arizona, who owned Honda Gold Wing motorcycles and wanted to connect with others for the purposes of touring. Since then, this group has grown to include more than 70,000 members in the United States, Canada, and 10 other countries. It boasts a paid staff, an army of volunteers, 10 deputy directors, nine American and three Canadian regional directors, 49 district directors, and 586 chapter directors. It has an annual rally called the "Wing Ding" that draws over 10,000 participants. Local chapters gather for a variety of events, including monthly meetings, weekly rides, and fund-raisers. McCurdy argues that the core values of this organization reflect the values and symbolism of kinship groups and offer participants a framework of belonging and opportunities to express themselves. Participation in the GWRRA brings with it a certain expectation of behavior. Members show off their motorcycles, and are expected to have pride in their machines, cleaning and adorning them with chrome and other accents. Participation is encouraged and rewarded by pins and patches. Safety is of utmost importance, and members are discouraged from showing off, driving after drinking, and riding aggressively. Additionally, couples are a valued part of the group, and members are strongly encouraged to participate and tour with the group, despite the physical challenges of motorcycle riding. McCurdy concludes that belonging to a group of individuals who share an interest provides Americans with a feeling of belonging that many do not find at home or work. It offers the opportunity for personal recognition, a sense of self-worth, and a way to express themselves. For many, McCurdy argues, this organized group provides what he calls a "non-family home." According to McCurdy in "Motorcycles, Membership, and Belonging," it is not uncommon for individuals in the United States to live in close proximity to neighbors they do not know and to guard their privacy, thus appearing lonely and preoccupied.

Q: Motorcycles, Membership, and Belonging DAVID W. McCURDY Summary In his article entitled "Motorcycles, Membership, and Belonging," David McCurdy discusses the ways humans form groups, identifying the more common ways for Americans and drawing a comparison between the traditional kinship group in rural India and the more American method of social aggregation based on shared interests. Indian families would be surprised, McCurdy suggests, to see how American families live in comparison to their own existence in large, close-knit groups of extended families. Americans grow up in small nuclear families, often with parents out working. Neighbors are often strangers, and people can appear lonely. American society values individualism, independence, and competition. However, McCurdy believes that Americans find satisfying social connections not from families and neighbors, but instead from other groups: networks of friends from local taverns, work organizations, and civic groups. He contends that these groups, as well as those formed around shared interests, provide members with a sense of self-worth and a safe place to express their social needs. To illustrate his argument, McCurdy describes the Gold Wing Recreational Rider Association (GWRRA), a group formed in 1976 by seven couples in Phoenix, Arizona, who owned Honda Gold Wing motorcycles and wanted to connect with others for the purposes of touring. Since then, this group has grown to include more than 70,000 members in the United States, Canada, and 10 other countries. It boasts a paid staff, an army of volunteers, 10 deputy directors, nine American and three Canadian regional directors, 49 district directors, and 586 chapter directors. It has an annual rally called the "Wing Ding" that draws over 10,000 participants. Local chapters gather for a variety of events, including monthly meetings, weekly rides, and fund-raisers. McCurdy argues that the core values of this organization reflect the values and symbolism of kinship groups and offer participants a framework of belonging and opportunities to express themselves. Participation in the GWRRA brings with it a certain expectation of behavior. Members show off their motorcycles, and are expected to have pride in their machines, cleaning and adorning them with chrome and other accents. Participation is encouraged and rewarded by pins and patches. Safety is of utmost importance, and members are discouraged from showing off, driving after drinking, and riding aggressively. Additionally, couples are a valued part of the group, and members are strongly encouraged to participate and tour with the group, despite the physical challenges of motorcycle riding. McCurdy concludes that belonging to a group of individuals who share an interest provides Americans with a feeling of belonging that many do not find at home or work. It offers the opportunity for personal recognition, a sense of self-worth, and a way to express themselves. For many, McCurdy argues, this organized group provides what he calls a "non-family home." According to McCurdy in "Motorcycles, Membership, and Belonging," children in the United States are more likely to grow up in extended families and close-knit communities, where loyalty to family is the most important value instilled in them from a young age.

Q: Mixed Blood JEFFERSON M. FISH Summary This article illustrates how the American concept of race is a cultural construction, not a biological reality. Fish explains how there are no races among humans, because the concept of race relates to individuals who mate but can bear no fertile offspring. Clearly, this is not true of present-day humans. Human beings form a single species. Our evident variations in physical appearance around the globe has occurred through the processes of random mutation, natural selection, and genetic drift (accidental selection). Most traits that Americans think of as racial, such as skin color, are adaptive to differences in environmental conditions. If races are not biologically distinguishable groups, what are they? They are what are known as "folk classifications" of people based on culturally selected criteria. People everywhere classify things in folk taxonomies, but classifications of the same things may vary from society to society. For example, Americans classify avocados as vegetables and eat them in salads. Brazilians classify avocados as fruits and eat them with lemon and sugar for dessert. Although there are many ways in which people could classify each other, such as by body shape for example, many Americans learn to group each other into "races" based primarily on skin color (largely "white," "Asian," "black," or "Latino") and that these groups are rooted in biological reality. Yet at the same time, there is a history of classifying people according to hypo-descent, another social construction that is more about perceived ancestry. Many Americans still tend to rank races; white is highest, followed by Asian, Hispanic (Latino), and black. Children are allocated the racial classification of their lowest- (hypo) ranking parent. If your mother is classified as black and your father white, you might still be classified as black no matter what you look like. This is in stark contrast to Brazilians, for example, who classify people into tipos (types) on the basis of what they look like. Examples include loura (completely blond), preta (dark skin, broader nose), sarar (tight curly blond or red hair, blue eyes, broad nose, and thick lips), and cabo verde (straight black hair, dark skin, brown eyes, narrow nose, and thin lips). The children of a Brazilian couple could be classified into different tipos if each child looks different. The American conception of race is beginning to change as more people of different "races" intermarry and immigrants whose racial identities are difficult to classify by the American system enter the country. "Other" is a fast-growing category of racial identity. According to Fish in "Mixed Blood," Brazilians classify people into tipos such as loura, branca, morena, mulata, and preta on the basis of how they look.

Q: Mixed Blood JEFFERSON M. FISH Summary This article illustrates how the American concept of race is a cultural construction, not a biological reality. Fish explains how there are no races among humans, because the concept of race relates to individuals who mate but can bear no fertile offspring. Clearly, this is not true of present-day humans. Human beings form a single species. Our evident variations in physical appearance around the globe has occurred through the processes of random mutation, natural selection, and genetic drift (accidental selection). Most traits that Americans think of as racial, such as skin color, are adaptive to differences in environmental conditions. If races are not biologically distinguishable groups, what are they? They are what are known as "folk classifications" of people based on culturally selected criteria. People everywhere classify things in folk taxonomies, but classifications of the same things may vary from society to society. For example, Americans classify avocados as vegetables and eat them in salads. Brazilians classify avocados as fruits and eat them with lemon and sugar for dessert. Although there are many ways in which people could classify each other, such as by body shape for example, many Americans learn to group each other into "races" based primarily on skin color (largely "white," "Asian," "black," or "Latino") and that these groups are rooted in biological reality. Yet at the same time, there is a history of classifying people according to hypo-descent, another social construction that is more about perceived ancestry. Many Americans still tend to rank races; white is highest, followed by Asian, Hispanic (Latino), and black. Children are allocated the racial classification of their lowest- (hypo) ranking parent. If your mother is classified as black and your father white, you might still be classified as black no matter what you look like. This is in stark contrast to Brazilians, for example, who classify people into tipos (types) on the basis of what they look like. Examples include loura (completely blond), preta (dark skin, broader nose), sarar (tight curly blond or red hair, blue eyes, broad nose, and thick lips), and cabo verde (straight black hair, dark skin, brown eyes, narrow nose, and thin lips). The children of a Brazilian couple could be classified into different tipos if each child looks different. The American conception of race is beginning to change as more people of different "races" intermarry and immigrants whose racial identities are difficult to classify by the American system enter the country. "Other" is a fast-growing category of racial identity. According to Fish in "Mixed Blood," North Americans fail in their attempt to classify people into races because they ignore important physical differences such as body shape (rounded and lanky, for example).

Q: Mixed Blood JEFFERSON M. FISH Summary This article illustrates how the American concept of race is a cultural construction, not a biological reality. Fish explains how there are no races among humans, because the concept of race relates to individuals who mate but can bear no fertile offspring. Clearly, this is not true of present-day humans. Human beings form a single species. Our evident variations in physical appearance around the globe has occurred through the processes of random mutation, natural selection, and genetic drift (accidental selection). Most traits that Americans think of as racial, such as skin color, are adaptive to differences in environmental conditions. If races are not biologically distinguishable groups, what are they? They are what are known as "folk classifications" of people based on culturally selected criteria. People everywhere classify things in folk taxonomies, but classifications of the same things may vary from society to society. For example, Americans classify avocados as vegetables and eat them in salads. Brazilians classify avocados as fruits and eat them with lemon and sugar for dessert. Although there are many ways in which people could classify each other, such as by body shape for example, many Americans learn to group each other into "races" based primarily on skin color (largely "white," "Asian," "black," or "Latino") and that these groups are rooted in biological reality. Yet at the same time, there is a history of classifying people according to hypo-descent, another social construction that is more about perceived ancestry. Many Americans still tend to rank races; white is highest, followed by Asian, Hispanic (Latino), and black. Children are allocated the racial classification of their lowest- (hypo) ranking parent. If your mother is classified as black and your father white, you might still be classified as black no matter what you look like. This is in stark contrast to Brazilians, for example, who classify people into tipos (types) on the basis of what they look like. Examples include loura (completely blond), preta (dark skin, broader nose), sarar (tight curly blond or red hair, blue eyes, broad nose, and thick lips), and cabo verde (straight black hair, dark skin, brown eyes, narrow nose, and thin lips). The children of a Brazilian couple could be classified into different tipos if each child looks different. The American conception of race is beginning to change as more people of different "races" intermarry and immigrants whose racial identities are difficult to classify by the American system enter the country. "Other" is a fast-growing category of racial identity. According to Fish in "Mixed Blood," an avocado is classified by Brazilians as a fruit and by North Americans as a vegetable.

Q: Mixed Blood JEFFERSON M. FISH Summary This article illustrates how the American concept of race is a cultural construction, not a biological reality. Fish explains how there are no races among humans, because the concept of race relates to individuals who mate but can bear no fertile offspring. Clearly, this is not true of present-day humans. Human beings form a single species. Our evident variations in physical appearance around the globe has occurred through the processes of random mutation, natural selection, and genetic drift (accidental selection). Most traits that Americans think of as racial, such as skin color, are adaptive to differences in environmental conditions. If races are not biologically distinguishable groups, what are they? They are what are known as "folk classifications" of people based on culturally selected criteria. People everywhere classify things in folk taxonomies, but classifications of the same things may vary from society to society. For example, Americans classify avocados as vegetables and eat them in salads. Brazilians classify avocados as fruits and eat them with lemon and sugar for dessert. Although there are many ways in which people could classify each other, such as by body shape for example, many Americans learn to group each other into "races" based primarily on skin color (largely "white," "Asian," "black," or "Latino") and that these groups are rooted in biological reality. Yet at the same time, there is a history of classifying people according to hypo-descent, another social construction that is more about perceived ancestry. Many Americans still tend to rank races; white is highest, followed by Asian, Hispanic (Latino), and black. Children are allocated the racial classification of their lowest- (hypo) ranking parent. If your mother is classified as black and your father white, you might still be classified as black no matter what you look like. This is in stark contrast to Brazilians, for example, who classify people into tipos (types) on the basis of what they look like. Examples include loura (completely blond), preta (dark skin, broader nose), sarar (tight curly blond or red hair, blue eyes, broad nose, and thick lips), and cabo verde (straight black hair, dark skin, brown eyes, narrow nose, and thin lips). The children of a Brazilian couple could be classified into different tipos if each child looks different. The American conception of race is beginning to change as more people of different "races" intermarry and immigrants whose racial identities are difficult to classify by the American system enter the country. "Other" is a fast-growing category of racial identity. According to Fish in "Mixed Blood," human beings cannot be classified into races on the basis of physical characteristics because there is so little variation within the human species.

Q: Mixed Blood JEFFERSON M. FISH Summary This article illustrates how the American concept of race is a cultural construction, not a biological reality. Fish explains how there are no races among humans, because the concept of race relates to individuals who mate but can bear no fertile offspring. Clearly, this is not true of present-day humans. Human beings form a single species. Our evident variations in physical appearance around the globe has occurred through the processes of random mutation, natural selection, and genetic drift (accidental selection). Most traits that Americans think of as racial, such as skin color, are adaptive to differences in environmental conditions. If races are not biologically distinguishable groups, what are they? They are what are known as "folk classifications" of people based on culturally selected criteria. People everywhere classify things in folk taxonomies, but classifications of the same things may vary from society to society. For example, Americans classify avocados as vegetables and eat them in salads. Brazilians classify avocados as fruits and eat them with lemon and sugar for dessert. Although there are many ways in which people could classify each other, such as by body shape for example, many Americans learn to group each other into "races" based primarily on skin color (largely "white," "Asian," "black," or "Latino") and that these groups are rooted in biological reality. Yet at the same time, there is a history of classifying people according to hypo-descent, another social construction that is more about perceived ancestry. Many Americans still tend to rank races; white is highest, followed by Asian, Hispanic (Latino), and black. Children are allocated the racial classification of their lowest- (hypo) ranking parent. If your mother is classified as black and your father white, you might still be classified as black no matter what you look like. This is in stark contrast to Brazilians, for example, who classify people into tipos (types) on the basis of what they look like. Examples include loura (completely blond), preta (dark skin, broader nose), sarar (tight curly blond or red hair, blue eyes, broad nose, and thick lips), and cabo verde (straight black hair, dark skin, brown eyes, narrow nose, and thin lips). The children of a Brazilian couple could be classified into different tipos if each child looks different. The American conception of race is beginning to change as more people of different "races" intermarry and immigrants whose racial identities are difficult to classify by the American system enter the country. "Other" is a fast-growing category of racial identity. In his article, "Mixed Blood," Jefferson M. Fish argues that the American concept of race is culturally constructed, not a biological reality.

Q: Becoming Muslim in EuropeMIKAELA ROGOZEN-SOLTARIncreased globalization has brought people of different backgrounds in contact with one another more than ever before. In "Becoming Muslim in Europe," Mikaela Rogozen-Soltar argues that this has created conflict, mutual influence, and increased intercultural and interreligious marriages. These marriages, particularly in countries such as Spain, where religion and national identity are deeply entwined, can be very difficult to navigate and highlight basic cultural differences. Rogozen-Soltar identifies and discusses one of the biggest cultural differences that exists today, that of Muslim and non-Muslim marriage partners. Her article illustrates the unique challenges faced by Muslim converts in Spanish culture, where Catholicism is seen as part of one's "Spanishness."Islam is the world's fastest-growing religion based on new births and converts to the faith. Spain has a rich, 800-year-old Muslim history, easily found in historic landmarks like the Alhambra, and in Spanish dance, music, and cuisine. However, over several hundred years since the Spanish Inquisition, and Francisco Franco's enforcement of Catholicism as the national religion from 1939 until 1975, most Spaniards equate "being Spanish" with being Catholic. Additionally, many Spaniards view Islam as a threat to Spanish identity and fear its resurgence in Spain.In recent years, as Muslims have migrated to Spain and married Spanish women, some Spaniards have been forced to reexamine their understanding of what it means to be Spanish. Rogozen-Soltar recounts the experience of Maria Martinez and her evolution from a Spanish woman with stereotypical views of Islam, to someone in love with a Muslim man, to one who chooses to convert to Islam. Her experience illustrates the judgment she and other converts to Islam face in Spain.The experiences of Maria and other converts to Islam highlight how importantand how entrenchedcultural identities and memberships in social groups can be. Even though Maria initially could not imagine how she, a Spanish woman, could become a Muslim, her growing knowledge of Islam eventually allowed her to shift her view of her cultural identity. This led to a different perspective of Spain's Muslim history than that of the majority of her countrymen. Now she tries to educate others about her changed views by reminding Catholic and secular Spaniards of Spain's Muslim heritage, while reinforcing the normalcy of Islam. She is careful not to try to convert friends, but instead focuses on creating understanding by drawing parallels between the two religions. For example, she equates Insh"alla (God willing) with si Dios lo quiere (God willing), a phrase commonly heard in Spain.From 1939 to 1975, Francisco Franco enforced Catholicism as the national religion of Spain.

Q: Becoming Muslim in EuropeMIKAELA ROGOZEN-SOLTARIncreased globalization has brought people of different backgrounds in contact with one another more than ever before. In "Becoming Muslim in Europe," Mikaela Rogozen-Soltar argues that this has created conflict, mutual influence, and increased intercultural and interreligious marriages. These marriages, particularly in countries such as Spain, where religion and national identity are deeply entwined, can be very difficult to navigate and highlight basic cultural differences. Rogozen-Soltar identifies and discusses one of the biggest cultural differences that exists today, that of Muslim and non-Muslim marriage partners. Her article illustrates the unique challenges faced by Muslim converts in Spanish culture, where Catholicism is seen as part of one's "Spanishness."Islam is the world's fastest-growing religion based on new births and converts to the faith. Spain has a rich, 800-year-old Muslim history, easily found in historic landmarks like the Alhambra, and in Spanish dance, music, and cuisine. However, over several hundred years since the Spanish Inquisition, and Francisco Franco's enforcement of Catholicism as the national religion from 1939 until 1975, most Spaniards equate "being Spanish" with being Catholic. Additionally, many Spaniards view Islam as a threat to Spanish identity and fear its resurgence in Spain.In recent years, as Muslims have migrated to Spain and married Spanish women, some Spaniards have been forced to reexamine their understanding of what it means to be Spanish. Rogozen-Soltar recounts the experience of Maria Martinez and her evolution from a Spanish woman with stereotypical views of Islam, to someone in love with a Muslim man, to one who chooses to convert to Islam. Her experience illustrates the judgment she and other converts to Islam face in Spain.The experiences of Maria and other converts to Islam highlight how importantand how entrenchedcultural identities and memberships in social groups can be. Even though Maria initially could not imagine how she, a Spanish woman, could become a Muslim, her growing knowledge of Islam eventually allowed her to shift her view of her cultural identity. This led to a different perspective of Spain's Muslim history than that of the majority of her countrymen. Now she tries to educate others about her changed views by reminding Catholic and secular Spaniards of Spain's Muslim heritage, while reinforcing the normalcy of Islam. She is careful not to try to convert friends, but instead focuses on creating understanding by drawing parallels between the two religions. For example, she equates Insh"alla (God willing) with si Dios lo quiere (God willing), a phrase commonly heard in Spain.Because of the country's history of Muslim identity, most Spaniards have little difficulty understanding how their countrymen can be both Spanish and Muslim.

Q: Becoming Muslim in EuropeMIKAELA ROGOZEN-SOLTARIncreased globalization has brought people of different backgrounds in contact with one another more than ever before. In "Becoming Muslim in Europe," Mikaela Rogozen-Soltar argues that this has created conflict, mutual influence, and increased intercultural and interreligious marriages. These marriages, particularly in countries such as Spain, where religion and national identity are deeply entwined, can be very difficult to navigate and highlight basic cultural differences. Rogozen-Soltar identifies and discusses one of the biggest cultural differences that exists today, that of Muslim and non-Muslim marriage partners. Her article illustrates the unique challenges faced by Muslim converts in Spanish culture, where Catholicism is seen as part of one's "Spanishness."Islam is the world's fastest-growing religion based on new births and converts to the faith. Spain has a rich, 800-year-old Muslim history, easily found in historic landmarks like the Alhambra, and in Spanish dance, music, and cuisine. However, over several hundred years since the Spanish Inquisition, and Francisco Franco's enforcement of Catholicism as the national religion from 1939 until 1975, most Spaniards equate "being Spanish" with being Catholic. Additionally, many Spaniards view Islam as a threat to Spanish identity and fear its resurgence in Spain.In recent years, as Muslims have migrated to Spain and married Spanish women, some Spaniards have been forced to reexamine their understanding of what it means to be Spanish. Rogozen-Soltar recounts the experience of Maria Martinez and her evolution from a Spanish woman with stereotypical views of Islam, to someone in love with a Muslim man, to one who chooses to convert to Islam. Her experience illustrates the judgment she and other converts to Islam face in Spain.The experiences of Maria and other converts to Islam highlight how importantand how entrenchedcultural identities and memberships in social groups can be. Even though Maria initially could not imagine how she, a Spanish woman, could become a Muslim, her growing knowledge of Islam eventually allowed her to shift her view of her cultural identity. This led to a different perspective of Spain's Muslim history than that of the majority of her countrymen. Now she tries to educate others about her changed views by reminding Catholic and secular Spaniards of Spain's Muslim heritage, while reinforcing the normalcy of Islam. She is careful not to try to convert friends, but instead focuses on creating understanding by drawing parallels between the two religions. For example, she equates Insh"alla (God willing) with si Dios lo quiere (God willing), a phrase commonly heard in Spain.According to Rogozen-Soltar in "Becoming Muslim in Europe," Spain was part of the Muslim empire for 800 years and evidence of that history is seen in cities such as Granada, buildings such as the Alhambra, and in Spanish cuisine, music, and dance.

Q: Becoming Muslim in EuropeMIKAELA ROGOZEN-SOLTARIncreased globalization has brought people of different backgrounds in contact with one another more than ever before. In "Becoming Muslim in Europe," Mikaela Rogozen-Soltar argues that this has created conflict, mutual influence, and increased intercultural and interreligious marriages. These marriages, particularly in countries such as Spain, where religion and national identity are deeply entwined, can be very difficult to navigate and highlight basic cultural differences. Rogozen-Soltar identifies and discusses one of the biggest cultural differences that exists today, that of Muslim and non-Muslim marriage partners. Her article illustrates the unique challenges faced by Muslim converts in Spanish culture, where Catholicism is seen as part of one's "Spanishness."Islam is the world's fastest-growing religion based on new births and converts to the faith. Spain has a rich, 800-year-old Muslim history, easily found in historic landmarks like the Alhambra, and in Spanish dance, music, and cuisine. However, over several hundred years since the Spanish Inquisition, and Francisco Franco's enforcement of Catholicism as the national religion from 1939 until 1975, most Spaniards equate "being Spanish" with being Catholic. Additionally, many Spaniards view Islam as a threat to Spanish identity and fear its resurgence in Spain.In recent years, as Muslims have migrated to Spain and married Spanish women, some Spaniards have been forced to reexamine their understanding of what it means to be Spanish. Rogozen-Soltar recounts the experience of Maria Martinez and her evolution from a Spanish woman with stereotypical views of Islam, to someone in love with a Muslim man, to one who chooses to convert to Islam. Her experience illustrates the judgment she and other converts to Islam face in Spain.The experiences of Maria and other converts to Islam highlight how importantand how entrenchedcultural identities and memberships in social groups can be. Even though Maria initially could not imagine how she, a Spanish woman, could become a Muslim, her growing knowledge of Islam eventually allowed her to shift her view of her cultural identity. This led to a different perspective of Spain's Muslim history than that of the majority of her countrymen. Now she tries to educate others about her changed views by reminding Catholic and secular Spaniards of Spain's Muslim heritage, while reinforcing the normalcy of Islam. She is careful not to try to convert friends, but instead focuses on creating understanding by drawing parallels between the two religions. For example, she equates Insh"alla (God willing) with si Dios lo quiere (God willing), a phrase commonly heard in Spain.According to Rogozen-Soltar in "Becoming Muslim in Europe," due to the progressive attitudes of many European countries, converts to Islam face few political or social challenges.

Q: Becoming Muslim in EuropeMIKAELA ROGOZEN-SOLTARIncreased globalization has brought people of different backgrounds in contact with one another more than ever before. In "Becoming Muslim in Europe," Mikaela Rogozen-Soltar argues that this has created conflict, mutual influence, and increased intercultural and interreligious marriages. These marriages, particularly in countries such as Spain, where religion and national identity are deeply entwined, can be very difficult to navigate and highlight basic cultural differences. Rogozen-Soltar identifies and discusses one of the biggest cultural differences that exists today, that of Muslim and non-Muslim marriage partners. Her article illustrates the unique challenges faced by Muslim converts in Spanish culture, where Catholicism is seen as part of one's "Spanishness."Islam is the world's fastest-growing religion based on new births and converts to the faith. Spain has a rich, 800-year-old Muslim history, easily found in historic landmarks like the Alhambra, and in Spanish dance, music, and cuisine. However, over several hundred years since the Spanish Inquisition, and Francisco Franco's enforcement of Catholicism as the national religion from 1939 until 1975, most Spaniards equate "being Spanish" with being Catholic. Additionally, many Spaniards view Islam as a threat to Spanish identity and fear its resurgence in Spain.In recent years, as Muslims have migrated to Spain and married Spanish women, some Spaniards have been forced to reexamine their understanding of what it means to be Spanish. Rogozen-Soltar recounts the experience of Maria Martinez and her evolution from a Spanish woman with stereotypical views of Islam, to someone in love with a Muslim man, to one who chooses to convert to Islam. Her experience illustrates the judgment she and other converts to Islam face in Spain.The experiences of Maria and other converts to Islam highlight how importantand how entrenchedcultural identities and memberships in social groups can be. Even though Maria initially could not imagine how she, a Spanish woman, could become a Muslim, her growing knowledge of Islam eventually allowed her to shift her view of her cultural identity. This led to a different perspective of Spain's Muslim history than that of the majority of her countrymen. Now she tries to educate others about her changed views by reminding Catholic and secular Spaniards of Spain's Muslim heritage, while reinforcing the normalcy of Islam. She is careful not to try to convert friends, but instead focuses on creating understanding by drawing parallels between the two religions. For example, she equates Insh"alla (God willing) with si Dios lo quiere (God willing), a phrase commonly heard in Spain.In "Becoming Muslim in Europe," Rogozen-Soltar states that in order to convert to the Muslim faith, would-be converts must enroll in religion classes and receive official acceptance from religious authorities.

Q: Becoming Muslim in EuropeMIKAELA ROGOZEN-SOLTARIncreased globalization has brought people of different backgrounds in contact with one another more than ever before. In "Becoming Muslim in Europe," Mikaela Rogozen-Soltar argues that this has created conflict, mutual influence, and increased intercultural and interreligious marriages. These marriages, particularly in countries such as Spain, where religion and national identity are deeply entwined, can be very difficult to navigate and highlight basic cultural differences. Rogozen-Soltar identifies and discusses one of the biggest cultural differences that exists today, that of Muslim and non-Muslim marriage partners. Her article illustrates the unique challenges faced by Muslim converts in Spanish culture, where Catholicism is seen as part of one's "Spanishness."Islam is the world's fastest-growing religion based on new births and converts to the faith. Spain has a rich, 800-year-old Muslim history, easily found in historic landmarks like the Alhambra, and in Spanish dance, music, and cuisine. However, over several hundred years since the Spanish Inquisition, and Francisco Franco's enforcement of Catholicism as the national religion from 1939 until 1975, most Spaniards equate "being Spanish" with being Catholic. Additionally, many Spaniards view Islam as a threat to Spanish identity and fear its resurgence in Spain.In recent years, as Muslims have migrated to Spain and married Spanish women, some Spaniards have been forced to reexamine their understanding of what it means to be Spanish. Rogozen-Soltar recounts the experience of Maria Martinez and her evolution from a Spanish woman with stereotypical views of Islam, to someone in love with a Muslim man, to one who chooses to convert to Islam. Her experience illustrates the judgment she and other converts to Islam face in Spain.The experiences of Maria and other converts to Islam highlight how importantand how entrenchedcultural identities and memberships in social groups can be. Even though Maria initially could not imagine how she, a Spanish woman, could become a Muslim, her growing knowledge of Islam eventually allowed her to shift her view of her cultural identity. This led to a different perspective of Spain's Muslim history than that of the majority of her countrymen. Now she tries to educate others about her changed views by reminding Catholic and secular Spaniards of Spain's Muslim heritage, while reinforcing the normalcy of Islam. She is careful not to try to convert friends, but instead focuses on creating understanding by drawing parallels between the two religions. For example, she equates Insh"alla (God willing) with si Dios lo quiere (God willing), a phrase commonly heard in Spain.According to Rogozen-Soltar in "Becoming Muslim in Europe," Islam is the world's fastest-growing religion, due in part to new births in existing Muslim societies and to new Muslims who have converted.

Q: Becoming Muslim in EuropeMIKAELA ROGOZEN-SOLTARIncreased globalization has brought people of different backgrounds in contact with one another more than ever before. In "Becoming Muslim in Europe," Mikaela Rogozen-Soltar argues that this has created conflict, mutual influence, and increased intercultural and interreligious marriages. These marriages, particularly in countries such as Spain, where religion and national identity are deeply entwined, can be very difficult to navigate and highlight basic cultural differences. Rogozen-Soltar identifies and discusses one of the biggest cultural differences that exists today, that of Muslim and non-Muslim marriage partners. Her article illustrates the unique challenges faced by Muslim converts in Spanish culture, where Catholicism is seen as part of one's "Spanishness."Islam is the world's fastest-growing religion based on new births and converts to the faith. Spain has a rich, 800-year-old Muslim history, easily found in historic landmarks like the Alhambra, and in Spanish dance, music, and cuisine. However, over several hundred years since the Spanish Inquisition, and Francisco Franco's enforcement of Catholicism as the national religion from 1939 until 1975, most Spaniards equate "being Spanish" with being Catholic. Additionally, many Spaniards view Islam as a threat to Spanish identity and fear its resurgence in Spain.In recent years, as Muslims have migrated to Spain and married Spanish women, some Spaniards have been forced to reexamine their understanding of what it means to be Spanish. Rogozen-Soltar recounts the experience of Maria Martinez and her evolution from a Spanish woman with stereotypical views of Islam, to someone in love with a Muslim man, to one who chooses to convert to Islam. Her experience illustrates the judgment she and other converts to Islam face in Spain.The experiences of Maria and other converts to Islam highlight how importantand how entrenchedcultural identities and memberships in social groups can be. Even though Maria initially could not imagine how she, a Spanish woman, could become a Muslim, her growing knowledge of Islam eventually allowed her to shift her view of her cultural identity. This led to a different perspective of Spain's Muslim history than that of the majority of her countrymen. Now she tries to educate others about her changed views by reminding Catholic and secular Spaniards of Spain's Muslim heritage, while reinforcing the normalcy of Islam. She is careful not to try to convert friends, but instead focuses on creating understanding by drawing parallels between the two religions. For example, she equates Insh"alla (God willing) with si Dios lo quiere (God willing), a phrase commonly heard in Spain.In "Becoming Muslim in Europe," author Mikaela Rogozen-Soltar states that Spain does not have one predominant religion; its citizens represent a wide variety of religious beliefs, including significant percentages of Jews, Catholics, Protestants, and Muslims.

Q: Negotiating Work and Family in America DIANNA SHANDY AND KARINE MOESummary In this article, Dianna Shandy and Karine Moe explore the complexities of the latest research on how generations of women have handled the challenges of negotiating work and family in America. By combining labor statistics, interviews with more than 100 women, focus groups, and surveys of nearly 1000 college graduates, the authors explore the advances of women in the workforce, their experiences juggling families and careers outside of the home, and the subsequent choices new generations of women are making in this area.Anthropologists used to view the gender relationship between men and women as one of inherent male domination. Ernestine Friedl, however, argued that control of publicly distributed resources was key to women's power. Among the Hadza of Tanzania for example, men and women gather food equally, and subsequently relate to one another with relative gender equality. In contrast, when men supply virtually all of the food, such as among the Inuit of the Arctic, there is significant gender inequality.Similar cultural ranking exists in the United States. In the United States one's occupation determines relative rank. Today, women hold positions previously reserved for men onlypositions that include leadership, management, and business ownership. Women make up half of the workforce on all U.S. payrolls, and own one third of the businesses in the United States. Additionally, women now account for more than 50 percent of all college students and are the majority of those enrolled in graduate or professional schools. Women have made great strides toward gender equality in the workplace over the last few decades, but many are still opting out when they have children.Many gender-related factors both push women out of the workforce and pull them toward family and home, such as a woman's "second shift" or experiencing a "glass ceiling" (the proverbial barrier preventing advancement to a higher position). Unlike other industrialized nations, women in the United States of at least three generations have experienced and continue to experience significant structural barriers to flexible and affordable childcare.Given the low cultural ranking given of the occupation of "full-time motherhood," women often struggle to maintain a sense of gender equality, prestige, and power while at home. Some do so by forming strong social groups. Still others describe themselves as career women taking time off to stay home with kids.According to research by Shandy and Moe, there is currently a surplus of well-educated professional men in relationship to women.

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