Anthropology

Q: Mother's Love: Death without Weeping NANCY SCHEPER-HUGHES Summary In this article, Nancy Scheper-Hughes argued that under conditions of extreme poverty where there are high rates of infant mortality, it is a natural human response for mothers to distance themselves emotionally from their dead and dying infants. Scheper-Hughes based her conclusion on 25 years of fieldwork, starting in 1965, in the shantytown of Alto do Cruzeiro on the edge of Bom Jesus de Mata, a market town in northeast Brazil. Poverty in the shantytown produced a life expectancy of only 40 years, largely due to high rates of infant mortality. Scheper-Hughes first encountered women's reactions to infant death in 1965 when 350 children died in a "great baby die-off." Mothers seemed strangely indifferent to the deaths of their children. It was then that Scheper-Hughes concluded that mothering in Alto do Cruzeiro meant learning to abstain from forming emotional ties to their infants who were sick or weakthose who were likely to die. Social conditions were marked by brittle marriages; single parenting by women was the norm. Most had no choice but to work in the "shadow economy"; babies were frequently left home alone because infants could not be taken to work. Midwives and other women supported mothers in their detachment. Even civil authorities and the clergy discouraged the attachment of mothers to their babies. Registration of infant deaths was short and informal. Doctors did not recognize malnutrition and, instead of treating a child at risk of dying, merely tranquilized them. The church did not hold ceremonies for dead children, and infants were buried without headstones in graves that would be used over and over again. In an epilogue added by Scheper-Hughes for this edition, the author notes that by 2008 much had changed in Bom Jesus. The advent of a democratic government brought a national health care system, a change in Catholic beliefs about infant death, an under-the-counter "morning after" pill, and most important, the installation of water pipes throughout the city. The result was a dramatic decline in both infant birth and death rates. Mothers who once were resigned to "letting go" of sickly babies now "hold on" to their infants. Unfortunately, high infant mortality has been replaced by a new form of violence: the killing of young men, by gang leaders, banditos, and local police. In "Mother's Love: Death Without Weeping," Scheper-Hughes claims that the installation of piped, treated water to all homes in the shantytown contributed most to the increased survival of infants in Bom Jesus de Mata.

Q: Mother's Love: Death without Weeping NANCY SCHEPER-HUGHES Summary In this article, Nancy Scheper-Hughes argued that under conditions of extreme poverty where there are high rates of infant mortality, it is a natural human response for mothers to distance themselves emotionally from their dead and dying infants. Scheper-Hughes based her conclusion on 25 years of fieldwork, starting in 1965, in the shantytown of Alto do Cruzeiro on the edge of Bom Jesus de Mata, a market town in northeast Brazil. Poverty in the shantytown produced a life expectancy of only 40 years, largely due to high rates of infant mortality. Scheper-Hughes first encountered women's reactions to infant death in 1965 when 350 children died in a "great baby die-off." Mothers seemed strangely indifferent to the deaths of their children. It was then that Scheper-Hughes concluded that mothering in Alto do Cruzeiro meant learning to abstain from forming emotional ties to their infants who were sick or weakthose who were likely to die. Social conditions were marked by brittle marriages; single parenting by women was the norm. Most had no choice but to work in the "shadow economy"; babies were frequently left home alone because infants could not be taken to work. Midwives and other women supported mothers in their detachment. Even civil authorities and the clergy discouraged the attachment of mothers to their babies. Registration of infant deaths was short and informal. Doctors did not recognize malnutrition and, instead of treating a child at risk of dying, merely tranquilized them. The church did not hold ceremonies for dead children, and infants were buried without headstones in graves that would be used over and over again. In an epilogue added by Scheper-Hughes for this edition, the author notes that by 2008 much had changed in Bom Jesus. The advent of a democratic government brought a national health care system, a change in Catholic beliefs about infant death, an under-the-counter "morning after" pill, and most important, the installation of water pipes throughout the city. The result was a dramatic decline in both infant birth and death rates. Mothers who once were resigned to "letting go" of sickly babies now "hold on" to their infants. Unfortunately, high infant mortality has been replaced by a new form of violence: the killing of young men, by gang leaders, banditos, and local police. According to Scheper-Hughes in "Mother's Love: Death Without Weeping," mothers living in Alto do Cruzeiro in northeastern Brazil have been known to actually hasten the death of babies they felt would not survive by failing to feed them properly.

Q: Mother's Love: Death without Weeping NANCY SCHEPER-HUGHES Summary In this article, Nancy Scheper-Hughes argued that under conditions of extreme poverty where there are high rates of infant mortality, it is a natural human response for mothers to distance themselves emotionally from their dead and dying infants. Scheper-Hughes based her conclusion on 25 years of fieldwork, starting in 1965, in the shantytown of Alto do Cruzeiro on the edge of Bom Jesus de Mata, a market town in northeast Brazil. Poverty in the shantytown produced a life expectancy of only 40 years, largely due to high rates of infant mortality. Scheper-Hughes first encountered women's reactions to infant death in 1965 when 350 children died in a "great baby die-off." Mothers seemed strangely indifferent to the deaths of their children. It was then that Scheper-Hughes concluded that mothering in Alto do Cruzeiro meant learning to abstain from forming emotional ties to their infants who were sick or weakthose who were likely to die. Social conditions were marked by brittle marriages; single parenting by women was the norm. Most had no choice but to work in the "shadow economy"; babies were frequently left home alone because infants could not be taken to work. Midwives and other women supported mothers in their detachment. Even civil authorities and the clergy discouraged the attachment of mothers to their babies. Registration of infant deaths was short and informal. Doctors did not recognize malnutrition and, instead of treating a child at risk of dying, merely tranquilized them. The church did not hold ceremonies for dead children, and infants were buried without headstones in graves that would be used over and over again. In an epilogue added by Scheper-Hughes for this edition, the author notes that by 2008 much had changed in Bom Jesus. The advent of a democratic government brought a national health care system, a change in Catholic beliefs about infant death, an under-the-counter "morning after" pill, and most important, the installation of water pipes throughout the city. The result was a dramatic decline in both infant birth and death rates. Mothers who once were resigned to "letting go" of sickly babies now "hold on" to their infants. Unfortunately, high infant mortality has been replaced by a new form of violence: the killing of young men, by gang leaders, banditos, and local police. In "Mother's Love: Death Without Weeping," Scheper-Hughes feels that it was instinctual for poor mothers to grieve deeply over the death of their babies in most societies unless they have been separated from their infants by illness or divorce.

Q: Mother's Love: Death without Weeping NANCY SCHEPER-HUGHES Summary In this article, Nancy Scheper-Hughes argued that under conditions of extreme poverty where there are high rates of infant mortality, it is a natural human response for mothers to distance themselves emotionally from their dead and dying infants. Scheper-Hughes based her conclusion on 25 years of fieldwork, starting in 1965, in the shantytown of Alto do Cruzeiro on the edge of Bom Jesus de Mata, a market town in northeast Brazil. Poverty in the shantytown produced a life expectancy of only 40 years, largely due to high rates of infant mortality. Scheper-Hughes first encountered women's reactions to infant death in 1965 when 350 children died in a "great baby die-off." Mothers seemed strangely indifferent to the deaths of their children. It was then that Scheper-Hughes concluded that mothering in Alto do Cruzeiro meant learning to abstain from forming emotional ties to their infants who were sick or weakthose who were likely to die. Social conditions were marked by brittle marriages; single parenting by women was the norm. Most had no choice but to work in the "shadow economy"; babies were frequently left home alone because infants could not be taken to work. Midwives and other women supported mothers in their detachment. Even civil authorities and the clergy discouraged the attachment of mothers to their babies. Registration of infant deaths was short and informal. Doctors did not recognize malnutrition and, instead of treating a child at risk of dying, merely tranquilized them. The church did not hold ceremonies for dead children, and infants were buried without headstones in graves that would be used over and over again. In an epilogue added by Scheper-Hughes for this edition, the author notes that by 2008 much had changed in Bom Jesus. The advent of a democratic government brought a national health care system, a change in Catholic beliefs about infant death, an under-the-counter "morning after" pill, and most important, the installation of water pipes throughout the city. The result was a dramatic decline in both infant birth and death rates. Mothers who once were resigned to "letting go" of sickly babies now "hold on" to their infants. Unfortunately, high infant mortality has been replaced by a new form of violence: the killing of young men, by gang leaders, banditos, and local police. According to Scheper-Hughes in "Mother's Love: Death Without Weeping," the doctors and clergy of the Brazilian city of Bom Jesus de Mata worked hard to save the lives of poor children born in the shantytown of Alto do Cruzeiro but failed because of the indifference of the infants' mothers.

Q: Mother's Love: Death without Weeping NANCY SCHEPER-HUGHES Summary In this article, Nancy Scheper-Hughes argued that under conditions of extreme poverty where there are high rates of infant mortality, it is a natural human response for mothers to distance themselves emotionally from their dead and dying infants. Scheper-Hughes based her conclusion on 25 years of fieldwork, starting in 1965, in the shantytown of Alto do Cruzeiro on the edge of Bom Jesus de Mata, a market town in northeast Brazil. Poverty in the shantytown produced a life expectancy of only 40 years, largely due to high rates of infant mortality. Scheper-Hughes first encountered women's reactions to infant death in 1965 when 350 children died in a "great baby die-off." Mothers seemed strangely indifferent to the deaths of their children. It was then that Scheper-Hughes concluded that mothering in Alto do Cruzeiro meant learning to abstain from forming emotional ties to their infants who were sick or weakthose who were likely to die. Social conditions were marked by brittle marriages; single parenting by women was the norm. Most had no choice but to work in the "shadow economy"; babies were frequently left home alone because infants could not be taken to work. Midwives and other women supported mothers in their detachment. Even civil authorities and the clergy discouraged the attachment of mothers to their babies. Registration of infant deaths was short and informal. Doctors did not recognize malnutrition and, instead of treating a child at risk of dying, merely tranquilized them. The church did not hold ceremonies for dead children, and infants were buried without headstones in graves that would be used over and over again. In an epilogue added by Scheper-Hughes for this edition, the author notes that by 2008 much had changed in Bom Jesus. The advent of a democratic government brought a national health care system, a change in Catholic beliefs about infant death, an under-the-counter "morning after" pill, and most important, the installation of water pipes throughout the city. The result was a dramatic decline in both infant birth and death rates. Mothers who once were resigned to "letting go" of sickly babies now "hold on" to their infants. Unfortunately, high infant mortality has been replaced by a new form of violence: the killing of young men, by gang leaders, banditos, and local police. According to Scheper-Hughes in "Mother's Love: Death Without Weeping," civil and church authorities in the northeast town of Bom Jesus de Mata, Brazil, treated infant death casually and without much concern.

Q: Mother's Love: Death without Weeping NANCY SCHEPER-HUGHES Summary In this article, Nancy Scheper-Hughes argued that under conditions of extreme poverty where there are high rates of infant mortality, it is a natural human response for mothers to distance themselves emotionally from their dead and dying infants. Scheper-Hughes based her conclusion on 25 years of fieldwork, starting in 1965, in the shantytown of Alto do Cruzeiro on the edge of Bom Jesus de Mata, a market town in northeast Brazil. Poverty in the shantytown produced a life expectancy of only 40 years, largely due to high rates of infant mortality. Scheper-Hughes first encountered women's reactions to infant death in 1965 when 350 children died in a "great baby die-off." Mothers seemed strangely indifferent to the deaths of their children. It was then that Scheper-Hughes concluded that mothering in Alto do Cruzeiro meant learning to abstain from forming emotional ties to their infants who were sick or weakthose who were likely to die. Social conditions were marked by brittle marriages; single parenting by women was the norm. Most had no choice but to work in the "shadow economy"; babies were frequently left home alone because infants could not be taken to work. Midwives and other women supported mothers in their detachment. Even civil authorities and the clergy discouraged the attachment of mothers to their babies. Registration of infant deaths was short and informal. Doctors did not recognize malnutrition and, instead of treating a child at risk of dying, merely tranquilized them. The church did not hold ceremonies for dead children, and infants were buried without headstones in graves that would be used over and over again. In an epilogue added by Scheper-Hughes for this edition, the author notes that by 2008 much had changed in Bom Jesus. The advent of a democratic government brought a national health care system, a change in Catholic beliefs about infant death, an under-the-counter "morning after" pill, and most important, the installation of water pipes throughout the city. The result was a dramatic decline in both infant birth and death rates. Mothers who once were resigned to "letting go" of sickly babies now "hold on" to their infants. Unfortunately, high infant mortality has been replaced by a new form of violence: the killing of young men, by gang leaders, banditos, and local police. According to Scheper-Hughes in "Mother's Love: Death Without Weeping," poor women in northeast Brazil would sacrifice in every way possible to keep their children alive.

Q: Mother's Love: Death without Weeping NANCY SCHEPER-HUGHES Summary In this article, Nancy Scheper-Hughes argued that under conditions of extreme poverty where there are high rates of infant mortality, it is a natural human response for mothers to distance themselves emotionally from their dead and dying infants. Scheper-Hughes based her conclusion on 25 years of fieldwork, starting in 1965, in the shantytown of Alto do Cruzeiro on the edge of Bom Jesus de Mata, a market town in northeast Brazil. Poverty in the shantytown produced a life expectancy of only 40 years, largely due to high rates of infant mortality. Scheper-Hughes first encountered women's reactions to infant death in 1965 when 350 children died in a "great baby die-off." Mothers seemed strangely indifferent to the deaths of their children. It was then that Scheper-Hughes concluded that mothering in Alto do Cruzeiro meant learning to abstain from forming emotional ties to their infants who were sick or weakthose who were likely to die. Social conditions were marked by brittle marriages; single parenting by women was the norm. Most had no choice but to work in the "shadow economy"; babies were frequently left home alone because infants could not be taken to work. Midwives and other women supported mothers in their detachment. Even civil authorities and the clergy discouraged the attachment of mothers to their babies. Registration of infant deaths was short and informal. Doctors did not recognize malnutrition and, instead of treating a child at risk of dying, merely tranquilized them. The church did not hold ceremonies for dead children, and infants were buried without headstones in graves that would be used over and over again. In an epilogue added by Scheper-Hughes for this edition, the author notes that by 2008 much had changed in Bom Jesus. The advent of a democratic government brought a national health care system, a change in Catholic beliefs about infant death, an under-the-counter "morning after" pill, and most important, the installation of water pipes throughout the city. The result was a dramatic decline in both infant birth and death rates. Mothers who once were resigned to "letting go" of sickly babies now "hold on" to their infants. Unfortunately, high infant mortality has been replaced by a new form of violence: the killing of young men, by gang leaders, banditos, and local police. In her article, "Mother's Love: Death Without Weeping," Nancy Scheper-Hughes argues that mothers in the shantytown of Alto do Cruzeiro learned to accept the death of a child without grieving.

Q: Poverty at Work: Office Employment and the Crack Alternative PHILIPPE BOURGOIS Summary The transition from a manufacturing economy to one based on office work is more culturally disruptive to poorly educated working class city dwellers than one might suspect. This is the conclusion drawn by Philippe Bourgois based on his three and one-half year ethnographic study of Puerto-Rican crack cocaine dealers in New Your City's Spanish Harlem. When Puerto Ricans first moved to New York City, men with little education were able to find factory work that enabled them to support their families with dignity. As time went by, sons followed in their fathers' footsteps, quitting school in their middle teens to take manufacturing jobs that required little formal education but provided a decent living and a respected place in surrounding Puerto Rican working class society. Protected by unions, their macho urban street culture could be openly expressed on the production line without serious consequences. All this changed, however, between 1963 and 1983 when over half the factories in New York City either closed or moved to less expensive areas. Toughness and male swagger that worked well on the factory production line now intimidated the better-educated largely Anglo people who worked above them. The poor workers were often unable to read even the simplest directions. Worse, they often found themselves supervised by women, a rare occurrence in Puerto Rican society. Even the way they walked and looked intimidated Anglo co-workers. Above all, they felt "dissed" (disrespected) by office Anglos, who would often comment openly about their lack of education and ability. Working at the minimum wage, most lasted on the job for only a few days. Unemployed once again, many turned to selling crack in a lucrative underground economy, which placed them on a self-destructive track of drug addiction, violence, and arrest. Even becoming bicultural, adopting Anglo office culture at work and street culture at home, did not work well. Friends and family members accused them of selling out their heritage. In an epilogue, Bourgois notes that four things changed this bleak underground work environment in Spanish Harlem during the late 1990s: the economy grew at a high and sustained rate providing more jobs even for the poor; the size of the Mexican immigrant population increased significantly in Spanish Harlem; the war on drugs criminalized many of the poor; and marijuana, not crack, became the drug of choice. As a result, more men found work in the regular economy. But despite this turn of events, Bourgois concludes that there is little hope in the long run for New York's inner city poor. In "Poverty at Work: Office Work and the Crack Alternative," Bourgois notes in an addendum to his article that prosperity in the 1990s increased the number of Puerto Rican men who sold crack as the price of the drug escalated.

Q: Poverty at Work: Office Employment and the Crack Alternative PHILIPPE BOURGOIS Summary The transition from a manufacturing economy to one based on office work is more culturally disruptive to poorly educated working class city dwellers than one might suspect. This is the conclusion drawn by Philippe Bourgois based on his three and one-half year ethnographic study of Puerto-Rican crack cocaine dealers in New Your City's Spanish Harlem. When Puerto Ricans first moved to New York City, men with little education were able to find factory work that enabled them to support their families with dignity. As time went by, sons followed in their fathers' footsteps, quitting school in their middle teens to take manufacturing jobs that required little formal education but provided a decent living and a respected place in surrounding Puerto Rican working class society. Protected by unions, their macho urban street culture could be openly expressed on the production line without serious consequences. All this changed, however, between 1963 and 1983 when over half the factories in New York City either closed or moved to less expensive areas. Toughness and male swagger that worked well on the factory production line now intimidated the better-educated largely Anglo people who worked above them. The poor workers were often unable to read even the simplest directions. Worse, they often found themselves supervised by women, a rare occurrence in Puerto Rican society. Even the way they walked and looked intimidated Anglo co-workers. Above all, they felt "dissed" (disrespected) by office Anglos, who would often comment openly about their lack of education and ability. Working at the minimum wage, most lasted on the job for only a few days. Unemployed once again, many turned to selling crack in a lucrative underground economy, which placed them on a self-destructive track of drug addiction, violence, and arrest. Even becoming bicultural, adopting Anglo office culture at work and street culture at home, did not work well. Friends and family members accused them of selling out their heritage. In an epilogue, Bourgois notes that four things changed this bleak underground work environment in Spanish Harlem during the late 1990s: the economy grew at a high and sustained rate providing more jobs even for the poor; the size of the Mexican immigrant population increased significantly in Spanish Harlem; the war on drugs criminalized many of the poor; and marijuana, not crack, became the drug of choice. As a result, more men found work in the regular economy. But despite this turn of events, Bourgois concludes that there is little hope in the long run for New York's inner city poor. In "Poverty at Work: Office Work and the Crack Alternative," Bourgois argues that Puerto Rican men feel degraded and disrespected in the entry-level service jobs found in New York's office-bound economy.

Q: Poverty at Work: Office Employment and the Crack Alternative PHILIPPE BOURGOIS Summary The transition from a manufacturing economy to one based on office work is more culturally disruptive to poorly educated working class city dwellers than one might suspect. This is the conclusion drawn by Philippe Bourgois based on his three and one-half year ethnographic study of Puerto-Rican crack cocaine dealers in New Your City's Spanish Harlem. When Puerto Ricans first moved to New York City, men with little education were able to find factory work that enabled them to support their families with dignity. As time went by, sons followed in their fathers' footsteps, quitting school in their middle teens to take manufacturing jobs that required little formal education but provided a decent living and a respected place in surrounding Puerto Rican working class society. Protected by unions, their macho urban street culture could be openly expressed on the production line without serious consequences. All this changed, however, between 1963 and 1983 when over half the factories in New York City either closed or moved to less expensive areas. Toughness and male swagger that worked well on the factory production line now intimidated the better-educated largely Anglo people who worked above them. The poor workers were often unable to read even the simplest directions. Worse, they often found themselves supervised by women, a rare occurrence in Puerto Rican society. Even the way they walked and looked intimidated Anglo co-workers. Above all, they felt "dissed" (disrespected) by office Anglos, who would often comment openly about their lack of education and ability. Working at the minimum wage, most lasted on the job for only a few days. Unemployed once again, many turned to selling crack in a lucrative underground economy, which placed them on a self-destructive track of drug addiction, violence, and arrest. Even becoming bicultural, adopting Anglo office culture at work and street culture at home, did not work well. Friends and family members accused them of selling out their heritage. In an epilogue, Bourgois notes that four things changed this bleak underground work environment in Spanish Harlem during the late 1990s: the economy grew at a high and sustained rate providing more jobs even for the poor; the size of the Mexican immigrant population increased significantly in Spanish Harlem; the war on drugs criminalized many of the poor; and marijuana, not crack, became the drug of choice. As a result, more men found work in the regular economy. But despite this turn of events, Bourgois concludes that there is little hope in the long run for New York's inner city poor. According to Bourgois in "Poverty at Work: Office Work and the Crack Alternative," the New York underground economy in which many Puerto Rican men work largely consists of dirty sweatshop manufacturing jobs.

Q: Poverty at Work: Office Employment and the Crack Alternative PHILIPPE BOURGOIS Summary The transition from a manufacturing economy to one based on office work is more culturally disruptive to poorly educated working class city dwellers than one might suspect. This is the conclusion drawn by Philippe Bourgois based on his three and one-half year ethnographic study of Puerto-Rican crack cocaine dealers in New Your City's Spanish Harlem. When Puerto Ricans first moved to New York City, men with little education were able to find factory work that enabled them to support their families with dignity. As time went by, sons followed in their fathers' footsteps, quitting school in their middle teens to take manufacturing jobs that required little formal education but provided a decent living and a respected place in surrounding Puerto Rican working class society. Protected by unions, their macho urban street culture could be openly expressed on the production line without serious consequences. All this changed, however, between 1963 and 1983 when over half the factories in New York City either closed or moved to less expensive areas. Toughness and male swagger that worked well on the factory production line now intimidated the better-educated largely Anglo people who worked above them. The poor workers were often unable to read even the simplest directions. Worse, they often found themselves supervised by women, a rare occurrence in Puerto Rican society. Even the way they walked and looked intimidated Anglo co-workers. Above all, they felt "dissed" (disrespected) by office Anglos, who would often comment openly about their lack of education and ability. Working at the minimum wage, most lasted on the job for only a few days. Unemployed once again, many turned to selling crack in a lucrative underground economy, which placed them on a self-destructive track of drug addiction, violence, and arrest. Even becoming bicultural, adopting Anglo office culture at work and street culture at home, did not work well. Friends and family members accused them of selling out their heritage. In an epilogue, Bourgois notes that four things changed this bleak underground work environment in Spanish Harlem during the late 1990s: the economy grew at a high and sustained rate providing more jobs even for the poor; the size of the Mexican immigrant population increased significantly in Spanish Harlem; the war on drugs criminalized many of the poor; and marijuana, not crack, became the drug of choice. As a result, more men found work in the regular economy. But despite this turn of events, Bourgois concludes that there is little hope in the long run for New York's inner city poor. In "Poverty at Work: Office Work and the Crack Alternative," Bourgois notes that many Puerto Rican men living in Spanish Harlem have at one time or another held normal (not underground) jobs in New York City's service economy.

Q: Poverty at Work: Office Employment and the Crack Alternative PHILIPPE BOURGOIS Summary The transition from a manufacturing economy to one based on office work is more culturally disruptive to poorly educated working class city dwellers than one might suspect. This is the conclusion drawn by Philippe Bourgois based on his three and one-half year ethnographic study of Puerto-Rican crack cocaine dealers in New Your City's Spanish Harlem. When Puerto Ricans first moved to New York City, men with little education were able to find factory work that enabled them to support their families with dignity. As time went by, sons followed in their fathers' footsteps, quitting school in their middle teens to take manufacturing jobs that required little formal education but provided a decent living and a respected place in surrounding Puerto Rican working class society. Protected by unions, their macho urban street culture could be openly expressed on the production line without serious consequences. All this changed, however, between 1963 and 1983 when over half the factories in New York City either closed or moved to less expensive areas. Toughness and male swagger that worked well on the factory production line now intimidated the better-educated largely Anglo people who worked above them. The poor workers were often unable to read even the simplest directions. Worse, they often found themselves supervised by women, a rare occurrence in Puerto Rican society. Even the way they walked and looked intimidated Anglo co-workers. Above all, they felt "dissed" (disrespected) by office Anglos, who would often comment openly about their lack of education and ability. Working at the minimum wage, most lasted on the job for only a few days. Unemployed once again, many turned to selling crack in a lucrative underground economy, which placed them on a self-destructive track of drug addiction, violence, and arrest. Even becoming bicultural, adopting Anglo office culture at work and street culture at home, did not work well. Friends and family members accused them of selling out their heritage. In an epilogue, Bourgois notes that four things changed this bleak underground work environment in Spanish Harlem during the late 1990s: the economy grew at a high and sustained rate providing more jobs even for the poor; the size of the Mexican immigrant population increased significantly in Spanish Harlem; the war on drugs criminalized many of the poor; and marijuana, not crack, became the drug of choice. As a result, more men found work in the regular economy. But despite this turn of events, Bourgois concludes that there is little hope in the long run for New York's inner city poor. In "Poverty at Work: Office Work and the Crack Alternative," Bourgois claims that only 15 percent of second generation Puerto Ricans living in New York's Spanish Harlem have ever held a job in the formal economy.

Q: Poverty at Work: Office Employment and the Crack Alternative PHILIPPE BOURGOIS Summary The transition from a manufacturing economy to one based on office work is more culturally disruptive to poorly educated working class city dwellers than one might suspect. This is the conclusion drawn by Philippe Bourgois based on his three and one-half year ethnographic study of Puerto-Rican crack cocaine dealers in New Your City's Spanish Harlem. When Puerto Ricans first moved to New York City, men with little education were able to find factory work that enabled them to support their families with dignity. As time went by, sons followed in their fathers' footsteps, quitting school in their middle teens to take manufacturing jobs that required little formal education but provided a decent living and a respected place in surrounding Puerto Rican working class society. Protected by unions, their macho urban street culture could be openly expressed on the production line without serious consequences. All this changed, however, between 1963 and 1983 when over half the factories in New York City either closed or moved to less expensive areas. Toughness and male swagger that worked well on the factory production line now intimidated the better-educated largely Anglo people who worked above them. The poor workers were often unable to read even the simplest directions. Worse, they often found themselves supervised by women, a rare occurrence in Puerto Rican society. Even the way they walked and looked intimidated Anglo co-workers. Above all, they felt "dissed" (disrespected) by office Anglos, who would often comment openly about their lack of education and ability. Working at the minimum wage, most lasted on the job for only a few days. Unemployed once again, many turned to selling crack in a lucrative underground economy, which placed them on a self-destructive track of drug addiction, violence, and arrest. Even becoming bicultural, adopting Anglo office culture at work and street culture at home, did not work well. Friends and family members accused them of selling out their heritage. In an epilogue, Bourgois notes that four things changed this bleak underground work environment in Spanish Harlem during the late 1990s: the economy grew at a high and sustained rate providing more jobs even for the poor; the size of the Mexican immigrant population increased significantly in Spanish Harlem; the war on drugs criminalized many of the poor; and marijuana, not crack, became the drug of choice. As a result, more men found work in the regular economy. But despite this turn of events, Bourgois concludes that there is little hope in the long run for New York's inner city poor. According to Bourgois in the article "Poverty at Work: Office Work and the Crack Alternative," second generation Puerto Rican residents living in Spanish Harlem began to sell crack cocaine because they could find no other work in New York City.

Q: Reciprocity and the Power of Giving LEE CRONK Summary Cronk argues that everywhere in the world, gifts are used positively to establish and maintain social relationships, but also negatively to intimidate and fight others. These characteristics apply just as fully to gift exchange in industrial societies as they do for other peoples. Anthropologists learned about the complexities of gift giving through first-hand experience during fieldwork. Richard Lee's !Kung informants criticized his gift of an ox, saying the ox was thin and inadequate when clearly it was not. (See article 2 in Conformity and Conflict). Rada Dyson-Hudson met with a similar reaction when she attempted to give pots to her Turkana informants. Cronk also experienced the same reaction when he gave clothing to the Mukogodo, who elaborate the act of gift exchange more than do most people. In every case, informants attached different meanings to gift giving than did the anthropologists.. Gift giving has several dimensions, including how the gift is received and how it is reciprocated. Often "to reciprocate at once indicates a desire to end the relationship," Cronk points out. He also notes that some gift giving arrangements, such as hxaro among the !Kung, are designed solely to maintain a friendly relationship. In addition, the worth of gifts may not be taken into account. The Trobriand kula ring, involving shell necklaces and armbands, represents one of the most elaborate gift exchanges ever described by anthropologists. Gift giving may not always be benevolent. The Kwakiutl potlatch, where rivals tried to "flatten" each other with gifts, is a good example. Potlatching actually became a substitute for war after the Canadian government suppressed real fighting. Reciprocal gift giving is also important in U.S. society. Examples include a form of benevolent gift giving, called swapping among African Americans living in an area of Illinois called the flats. Scientific papers, usually referred to as contributions, are really gifts and have higher value than those papers written for money. Even the citations of other people's work so liberally scattered throughout academic papers may be viewed as a form of gift exchange. Gifts may also be used to manipulate people, as Grace Goodell documents for a World Bank-funded project in Iran. The gift of an irrigation project crushed local level political organizations and shifted control to the central government. International relations often involve gift giving. The "concessions" made between the U.S. and Soviet governments during disarmament negotiations several years ago are a good example. Cronk concludes by pointing out that American Indians understood the gift's power to unify, antagonize, or subjugate and that all of us would do well to learn the same lesson. In "Reciprocity and the Power of Giving," Cronk argues that gift giving is an important way for people to initiate and maintain relationships in every society.

Q: Reciprocity and the Power of Giving LEE CRONK Summary Cronk argues that everywhere in the world, gifts are used positively to establish and maintain social relationships, but also negatively to intimidate and fight others. These characteristics apply just as fully to gift exchange in industrial societies as they do for other peoples. Anthropologists learned about the complexities of gift giving through first-hand experience during fieldwork. Richard Lee's !Kung informants criticized his gift of an ox, saying the ox was thin and inadequate when clearly it was not. (See article 2 in Conformity and Conflict). Rada Dyson-Hudson met with a similar reaction when she attempted to give pots to her Turkana informants. Cronk also experienced the same reaction when he gave clothing to the Mukogodo, who elaborate the act of gift exchange more than do most people. In every case, informants attached different meanings to gift giving than did the anthropologists.. Gift giving has several dimensions, including how the gift is received and how it is reciprocated. Often "to reciprocate at once indicates a desire to end the relationship," Cronk points out. He also notes that some gift giving arrangements, such as hxaro among the !Kung, are designed solely to maintain a friendly relationship. In addition, the worth of gifts may not be taken into account. The Trobriand kula ring, involving shell necklaces and armbands, represents one of the most elaborate gift exchanges ever described by anthropologists. Gift giving may not always be benevolent. The Kwakiutl potlatch, where rivals tried to "flatten" each other with gifts, is a good example. Potlatching actually became a substitute for war after the Canadian government suppressed real fighting. Reciprocal gift giving is also important in U.S. society. Examples include a form of benevolent gift giving, called swapping among African Americans living in an area of Illinois called the flats. Scientific papers, usually referred to as contributions, are really gifts and have higher value than those papers written for money. Even the citations of other people's work so liberally scattered throughout academic papers may be viewed as a form of gift exchange. Gifts may also be used to manipulate people, as Grace Goodell documents for a World Bank-funded project in Iran. The gift of an irrigation project crushed local level political organizations and shifted control to the central government. International relations often involve gift giving. The "concessions" made between the U.S. and Soviet governments during disarmament negotiations several years ago are a good example. Cronk concludes by pointing out that American Indians understood the gift's power to unify, antagonize, or subjugate and that all of us would do well to learn the same lesson. In "Reciprocity and the Power of Giving," Cronk reports that no matter how little he gave his Mukogodo informants while he was doing fieldwork, they always seemed grateful, which led to a warmer, more trusting relationship demonstrating the positive power of giving.

Q: Reciprocity and the Power of Giving LEE CRONK Summary Cronk argues that everywhere in the world, gifts are used positively to establish and maintain social relationships, but also negatively to intimidate and fight others. These characteristics apply just as fully to gift exchange in industrial societies as they do for other peoples. Anthropologists learned about the complexities of gift giving through first-hand experience during fieldwork. Richard Lee's !Kung informants criticized his gift of an ox, saying the ox was thin and inadequate when clearly it was not. (See article 2 in Conformity and Conflict). Rada Dyson-Hudson met with a similar reaction when she attempted to give pots to her Turkana informants. Cronk also experienced the same reaction when he gave clothing to the Mukogodo, who elaborate the act of gift exchange more than do most people. In every case, informants attached different meanings to gift giving than did the anthropologists.. Gift giving has several dimensions, including how the gift is received and how it is reciprocated. Often "to reciprocate at once indicates a desire to end the relationship," Cronk points out. He also notes that some gift giving arrangements, such as hxaro among the !Kung, are designed solely to maintain a friendly relationship. In addition, the worth of gifts may not be taken into account. The Trobriand kula ring, involving shell necklaces and armbands, represents one of the most elaborate gift exchanges ever described by anthropologists. Gift giving may not always be benevolent. The Kwakiutl potlatch, where rivals tried to "flatten" each other with gifts, is a good example. Potlatching actually became a substitute for war after the Canadian government suppressed real fighting. Reciprocal gift giving is also important in U.S. society. Examples include a form of benevolent gift giving, called swapping among African Americans living in an area of Illinois called the flats. Scientific papers, usually referred to as contributions, are really gifts and have higher value than those papers written for money. Even the citations of other people's work so liberally scattered throughout academic papers may be viewed as a form of gift exchange. Gifts may also be used to manipulate people, as Grace Goodell documents for a World Bank-funded project in Iran. The gift of an irrigation project crushed local level political organizations and shifted control to the central government. International relations often involve gift giving. The "concessions" made between the U.S. and Soviet governments during disarmament negotiations several years ago are a good example. Cronk concludes by pointing out that American Indians understood the gift's power to unify, antagonize, or subjugate and that all of us would do well to learn the same lesson. According to Cronk in "Reciprocity and the Power of Giving," the phrase "Indian giver" arose because North American Indians misunderstood European customs and wanted gifts they gave to colonists to be returned promptly and with interest.

Q: Reciprocity and the Power of Giving LEE CRONK Summary Cronk argues that everywhere in the world, gifts are used positively to establish and maintain social relationships, but also negatively to intimidate and fight others. These characteristics apply just as fully to gift exchange in industrial societies as they do for other peoples. Anthropologists learned about the complexities of gift giving through first-hand experience during fieldwork. Richard Lee's !Kung informants criticized his gift of an ox, saying the ox was thin and inadequate when clearly it was not. (See article 2 in Conformity and Conflict). Rada Dyson-Hudson met with a similar reaction when she attempted to give pots to her Turkana informants. Cronk also experienced the same reaction when he gave clothing to the Mukogodo, who elaborate the act of gift exchange more than do most people. In every case, informants attached different meanings to gift giving than did the anthropologists.. Gift giving has several dimensions, including how the gift is received and how it is reciprocated. Often "to reciprocate at once indicates a desire to end the relationship," Cronk points out. He also notes that some gift giving arrangements, such as hxaro among the !Kung, are designed solely to maintain a friendly relationship. In addition, the worth of gifts may not be taken into account. The Trobriand kula ring, involving shell necklaces and armbands, represents one of the most elaborate gift exchanges ever described by anthropologists. Gift giving may not always be benevolent. The Kwakiutl potlatch, where rivals tried to "flatten" each other with gifts, is a good example. Potlatching actually became a substitute for war after the Canadian government suppressed real fighting. Reciprocal gift giving is also important in U.S. society. Examples include a form of benevolent gift giving, called swapping among African Americans living in an area of Illinois called the flats. Scientific papers, usually referred to as contributions, are really gifts and have higher value than those papers written for money. Even the citations of other people's work so liberally scattered throughout academic papers may be viewed as a form of gift exchange. Gifts may also be used to manipulate people, as Grace Goodell documents for a World Bank-funded project in Iran. The gift of an irrigation project crushed local level political organizations and shifted control to the central government. International relations often involve gift giving. The "concessions" made between the U.S. and Soviet governments during disarmament negotiations several years ago are a good example. Cronk concludes by pointing out that American Indians understood the gift's power to unify, antagonize, or subjugate and that all of us would do well to learn the same lesson. In "Reciprocity and the Power of Giving," Cronk cites Hagstrom's argument that citations of other people's work in academic articles as well as the articles themselves, are a form of gift.

Q: Reciprocity and the Power of Giving LEE CRONK Summary Cronk argues that everywhere in the world, gifts are used positively to establish and maintain social relationships, but also negatively to intimidate and fight others. These characteristics apply just as fully to gift exchange in industrial societies as they do for other peoples. Anthropologists learned about the complexities of gift giving through first-hand experience during fieldwork. Richard Lee's !Kung informants criticized his gift of an ox, saying the ox was thin and inadequate when clearly it was not. (See article 2 in Conformity and Conflict). Rada Dyson-Hudson met with a similar reaction when she attempted to give pots to her Turkana informants. Cronk also experienced the same reaction when he gave clothing to the Mukogodo, who elaborate the act of gift exchange more than do most people. In every case, informants attached different meanings to gift giving than did the anthropologists.. Gift giving has several dimensions, including how the gift is received and how it is reciprocated. Often "to reciprocate at once indicates a desire to end the relationship," Cronk points out. He also notes that some gift giving arrangements, such as hxaro among the !Kung, are designed solely to maintain a friendly relationship. In addition, the worth of gifts may not be taken into account. The Trobriand kula ring, involving shell necklaces and armbands, represents one of the most elaborate gift exchanges ever described by anthropologists. Gift giving may not always be benevolent. The Kwakiutl potlatch, where rivals tried to "flatten" each other with gifts, is a good example. Potlatching actually became a substitute for war after the Canadian government suppressed real fighting. Reciprocal gift giving is also important in U.S. society. Examples include a form of benevolent gift giving, called swapping among African Americans living in an area of Illinois called the flats. Scientific papers, usually referred to as contributions, are really gifts and have higher value than those papers written for money. Even the citations of other people's work so liberally scattered throughout academic papers may be viewed as a form of gift exchange. Gifts may also be used to manipulate people, as Grace Goodell documents for a World Bank-funded project in Iran. The gift of an irrigation project crushed local level political organizations and shifted control to the central government. International relations often involve gift giving. The "concessions" made between the U.S. and Soviet governments during disarmament negotiations several years ago are a good example. Cronk concludes by pointing out that American Indians understood the gift's power to unify, antagonize, or subjugate and that all of us would do well to learn the same lesson. Both the Turkana and the Mukogodo peoples of Kenya diminished gifts given to them by anthropologists as a way of diminishing any reciprocation they might feel was expected of them.

Q: Reciprocity and the Power of Giving LEE CRONK Summary Cronk argues that everywhere in the world, gifts are used positively to establish and maintain social relationships, but also negatively to intimidate and fight others. These characteristics apply just as fully to gift exchange in industrial societies as they do for other peoples. Anthropologists learned about the complexities of gift giving through first-hand experience during fieldwork. Richard Lee's !Kung informants criticized his gift of an ox, saying the ox was thin and inadequate when clearly it was not. (See article 2 in Conformity and Conflict). Rada Dyson-Hudson met with a similar reaction when she attempted to give pots to her Turkana informants. Cronk also experienced the same reaction when he gave clothing to the Mukogodo, who elaborate the act of gift exchange more than do most people. In every case, informants attached different meanings to gift giving than did the anthropologists.. Gift giving has several dimensions, including how the gift is received and how it is reciprocated. Often "to reciprocate at once indicates a desire to end the relationship," Cronk points out. He also notes that some gift giving arrangements, such as hxaro among the !Kung, are designed solely to maintain a friendly relationship. In addition, the worth of gifts may not be taken into account. The Trobriand kula ring, involving shell necklaces and armbands, represents one of the most elaborate gift exchanges ever described by anthropologists. Gift giving may not always be benevolent. The Kwakiutl potlatch, where rivals tried to "flatten" each other with gifts, is a good example. Potlatching actually became a substitute for war after the Canadian government suppressed real fighting. Reciprocal gift giving is also important in U.S. society. Examples include a form of benevolent gift giving, called swapping among African Americans living in an area of Illinois called the flats. Scientific papers, usually referred to as contributions, are really gifts and have higher value than those papers written for money. Even the citations of other people's work so liberally scattered throughout academic papers may be viewed as a form of gift exchange. Gifts may also be used to manipulate people, as Grace Goodell documents for a World Bank-funded project in Iran. The gift of an irrigation project crushed local level political organizations and shifted control to the central government. International relations often involve gift giving. The "concessions" made between the U.S. and Soviet governments during disarmament negotiations several years ago are a good example. Cronk concludes by pointing out that American Indians understood the gift's power to unify, antagonize, or subjugate and that all of us would do well to learn the same lesson. In "Reciprocity and the Power of Giving," Cronk argues that in most instances of gift giving, donors expect those who have received the gift to reciprocate promptly.

Q: Reciprocity and the Power of Giving LEE CRONK Summary Cronk argues that everywhere in the world, gifts are used positively to establish and maintain social relationships, but also negatively to intimidate and fight others. These characteristics apply just as fully to gift exchange in industrial societies as they do for other peoples. Anthropologists learned about the complexities of gift giving through first-hand experience during fieldwork. Richard Lee's !Kung informants criticized his gift of an ox, saying the ox was thin and inadequate when clearly it was not. (See article 2 in Conformity and Conflict). Rada Dyson-Hudson met with a similar reaction when she attempted to give pots to her Turkana informants. Cronk also experienced the same reaction when he gave clothing to the Mukogodo, who elaborate the act of gift exchange more than do most people. In every case, informants attached different meanings to gift giving than did the anthropologists.. Gift giving has several dimensions, including how the gift is received and how it is reciprocated. Often "to reciprocate at once indicates a desire to end the relationship," Cronk points out. He also notes that some gift giving arrangements, such as hxaro among the !Kung, are designed solely to maintain a friendly relationship. In addition, the worth of gifts may not be taken into account. The Trobriand kula ring, involving shell necklaces and armbands, represents one of the most elaborate gift exchanges ever described by anthropologists. Gift giving may not always be benevolent. The Kwakiutl potlatch, where rivals tried to "flatten" each other with gifts, is a good example. Potlatching actually became a substitute for war after the Canadian government suppressed real fighting. Reciprocal gift giving is also important in U.S. society. Examples include a form of benevolent gift giving, called swapping among African Americans living in an area of Illinois called the flats. Scientific papers, usually referred to as contributions, are really gifts and have higher value than those papers written for money. Even the citations of other people's work so liberally scattered throughout academic papers may be viewed as a form of gift exchange. Gifts may also be used to manipulate people, as Grace Goodell documents for a World Bank-funded project in Iran. The gift of an irrigation project crushed local level political organizations and shifted control to the central government. International relations often involve gift giving. The "concessions" made between the U.S. and Soviet governments during disarmament negotiations several years ago are a good example. Cronk concludes by pointing out that American Indians understood the gift's power to unify, antagonize, or subjugate and that all of us would do well to learn the same lesson. According to Cronk in his article, "Reciprocity and the Power of Giving," gift giving can be used to intimidate people.

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