Anthropology

Q: Forest Development the Indian Way RICHARD K. REED Summary When Richard Reed first entered the Guaran village of Itanaram over 20 years ago, he had to make an arduous journey, first on rugged dirt roads by car, then for two days on foot along a tropical forest trail. Only rivers and swampy areas broke the forest canopy. The village itself was buried in the forest, with houses scattered along a trail next to a small river. Reed's subsequent study revealed a tightly knit community whose members were tied together by kinship and values on sharing and cooperation. Political structure was informal; a village leader (tamoi) mediated disputes. Although villagers exploited their tropical forest environment, they did so in a way that permitted its renewal. Men cleared garden plots in the forest. Women burned the brush and planted the fields with beans, manioc, and orange trees. As fields became exhausted after two or three years, new plots were cleared and old ones permitted to lie fallow for 10 to 20 years so they could be reclaimed by the forest. Hunting and fishing provided a significant portion of people's food and, though seemingly isolated, villagers traded some forest products especially yerba-mate leaves, for hooks, machetes, soap, and salt with outsiders. Results of his study were described in "Cultivating the Tropical Forest," an article included in earlier editions of Conformity and Conflict. Subsequent visits to Itanaram over the intervening years reveal changes commonly found in many areas of the Amazon drainage. Roads now bisect the forest, bringing an influx of ranchers, farmers, traders, frontier towns, and truck traffic. Clear cutting for farms and ranches has devastated Guaran life and its sustainable economy. Settlements stand isolated and devoid of resources. Villagers can no longer practice slash-and-burn agriculture; there are no animals to hunt or fish to catch. Without renewable resources, many Indians have joined the legions of unemployed or underemployed in frontier towns, and suicide rates, especially among young men, have skyrocketed. Shouldn"t the Guaran simply accept the pain that accompanies modern development and look forward to a brighter future? No, argues Reed, because the use of forestland for ranches and farming is unsustainable. Cleared land quickly ceases to produce and is left vacant without a surrounding forest to reclaim it, leaving a red desert. Instead, the Guaran model for forest exploitation, even when it involves the extraction of forest products for sale to outsiders, is more economical because it is sustainable. Persuaded by this argument, the Nature Conservancy has recently bought and set aside 280 square miles of forest for sustainable development using the Guaran model. By sustainable development, Reed means that commercial lumber companies and ranchers should replant the tropical forest after they have cut it down and permit exploited areas to regenerate for approximately 40 years.

Q: Forest Development the Indian Way RICHARD K. REED Summary When Richard Reed first entered the Guaran village of Itanaram over 20 years ago, he had to make an arduous journey, first on rugged dirt roads by car, then for two days on foot along a tropical forest trail. Only rivers and swampy areas broke the forest canopy. The village itself was buried in the forest, with houses scattered along a trail next to a small river. Reed's subsequent study revealed a tightly knit community whose members were tied together by kinship and values on sharing and cooperation. Political structure was informal; a village leader (tamoi) mediated disputes. Although villagers exploited their tropical forest environment, they did so in a way that permitted its renewal. Men cleared garden plots in the forest. Women burned the brush and planted the fields with beans, manioc, and orange trees. As fields became exhausted after two or three years, new plots were cleared and old ones permitted to lie fallow for 10 to 20 years so they could be reclaimed by the forest. Hunting and fishing provided a significant portion of people's food and, though seemingly isolated, villagers traded some forest products especially yerba-mate leaves, for hooks, machetes, soap, and salt with outsiders. Results of his study were described in "Cultivating the Tropical Forest," an article included in earlier editions of Conformity and Conflict. Subsequent visits to Itanaram over the intervening years reveal changes commonly found in many areas of the Amazon drainage. Roads now bisect the forest, bringing an influx of ranchers, farmers, traders, frontier towns, and truck traffic. Clear cutting for farms and ranches has devastated Guaran life and its sustainable economy. Settlements stand isolated and devoid of resources. Villagers can no longer practice slash-and-burn agriculture; there are no animals to hunt or fish to catch. Without renewable resources, many Indians have joined the legions of unemployed or underemployed in frontier towns, and suicide rates, especially among young men, have skyrocketed. Shouldn"t the Guaran simply accept the pain that accompanies modern development and look forward to a brighter future? No, argues Reed, because the use of forestland for ranches and farming is unsustainable. Cleared land quickly ceases to produce and is left vacant without a surrounding forest to reclaim it, leaving a red desert. Instead, the Guaran model for forest exploitation, even when it involves the extraction of forest products for sale to outsiders, is more economical because it is sustainable. Persuaded by this argument, the Nature Conservancy has recently bought and set aside 280 square miles of forest for sustainable development using the Guaran model. According to Reed, when colonists develop the tropical forest in which Guaran live, the Indians must farm more and more land to survive.

Q: Forest Development the Indian WayRICHARD K. REEDSummary When Richard Reed first entered the Guaran village of Itanaram over 20 years ago, he had to make an arduous journey, first on rugged dirt roads by car, then for two days on foot along a tropical forest trail. Only rivers and swampy areas broke the forest canopy. The village itself was buried in the forest, with houses scattered along a trail next to a small river. Reed's subsequent study revealed a tightly knit community whose members were tied together by kinship and values on sharing and cooperation. Political structure was informal; a village leader (tamoi) mediated disputes. Although villagers exploited their tropical forest environment, they did so in a way that permitted its renewal. Men cleared garden plots in the forest. Women burned the brush and planted the fields with beans, manioc, and orange trees. As fields became exhausted after two or three years, new plots were cleared and old ones permitted to lie fallow for 10 to 20 years so they could be reclaimed by the forest. Hunting and fishing provided a significant portion of people's food and, though seemingly isolated, villagers traded some forest products especially yerba-mate leaves, for hooks, machetes, soap, and salt with outsiders. Results of his study were described in "Cultivating the Tropical Forest," an article included in earlier editions of Conformity and Conflict.Subsequent visits to Itanaram over the intervening years reveal changes commonly found in many areas of the Amazon drainage. Roads now bisect the forest, bringing an influx of ranchers, farmers, traders, frontier towns, and truck traffic. Clear cutting for farms and ranches has devastated Guaran life and its sustainable economy. Settlements stand isolated and devoid of resources. Villagers can no longer practice slash-and-burn agriculture; there are no animals to hunt or fish to catch. Without renewable resources, many Indians have joined the legions of unemployed or underemployed in frontier towns, and suicide rates, especially among young men, have skyrocketed.Shouldn"t the Guaran simply accept the pain that accompanies modern development and look forward to a brighter future? No, argues Reed, because the use of forestland for ranches and farming is unsustainable. Cleared land quickly ceases to produce and is left vacant without a surrounding forest to reclaim it, leaving a red desert. Instead, the Guaran model for forest exploitation, even when it involves the extraction of forest products for sale to outsiders, is more economical because it is sustainable. Persuaded by this argument, the Nature Conservancy has recently bought and set aside 280 square miles of forest for sustainable development using the Guaran model.The Guaran, according to Reed, have exploited the forest commercially as well as for subsistence for nearly 500 years.

Q: Forest Development the Indian Way RICHARD K. REED Summary When Richard Reed first entered the Guaran village of Itanaram over 20 years ago, he had to make an arduous journey, first on rugged dirt roads by car, then for two days on foot along a tropical forest trail. Only rivers and swampy areas broke the forest canopy. The village itself was buried in the forest, with houses scattered along a trail next to a small river. Reed's subsequent study revealed a tightly knit community whose members were tied together by kinship and values on sharing and cooperation. Political structure was informal; a village leader (tamoi) mediated disputes. Although villagers exploited their tropical forest environment, they did so in a way that permitted its renewal. Men cleared garden plots in the forest. Women burned the brush and planted the fields with beans, manioc, and orange trees. As fields became exhausted after two or three years, new plots were cleared and old ones permitted to lie fallow for 10 to 20 years so they could be reclaimed by the forest. Hunting and fishing provided a significant portion of people's food and, though seemingly isolated, villagers traded some forest products especially yerba-mate leaves, for hooks, machetes, soap, and salt with outsiders. Results of his study were described in "Cultivating the Tropical Forest," an article included in earlier editions of Conformity and Conflict. Subsequent visits to Itanaram over the intervening years reveal changes commonly found in many areas of the Amazon drainage. Roads now bisect the forest, bringing an influx of ranchers, farmers, traders, frontier towns, and truck traffic. Clear cutting for farms and ranches has devastated Guaran life and its sustainable economy. Settlements stand isolated and devoid of resources. Villagers can no longer practice slash-and-burn agriculture; there are no animals to hunt or fish to catch. Without renewable resources, many Indians have joined the legions of unemployed or underemployed in frontier towns, and suicide rates, especially among young men, have skyrocketed. Shouldn"t the Guaran simply accept the pain that accompanies modern development and look forward to a brighter future? No, argues Reed, because the use of forestland for ranches and farming is unsustainable. Cleared land quickly ceases to produce and is left vacant without a surrounding forest to reclaim it, leaving a red desert. Instead, the Guaran model for forest exploitation, even when it involves the extraction of forest products for sale to outsiders, is more economical because it is sustainable. Persuaded by this argument, the Nature Conservancy has recently bought and set aside 280 square miles of forest for sustainable development using the Guaran model. Reed claims that the Guaran depend on a slash-and-burn agriculture for 94 percent of their dietary needs.

Q: Forest Development the Indian Way RICHARD K. REED Summary When Richard Reed first entered the Guaran village of Itanaram over 20 years ago, he had to make an arduous journey, first on rugged dirt roads by car, then for two days on foot along a tropical forest trail. Only rivers and swampy areas broke the forest canopy. The village itself was buried in the forest, with houses scattered along a trail next to a small river. Reed's subsequent study revealed a tightly knit community whose members were tied together by kinship and values on sharing and cooperation. Political structure was informal; a village leader (tamoi) mediated disputes. Although villagers exploited their tropical forest environment, they did so in a way that permitted its renewal. Men cleared garden plots in the forest. Women burned the brush and planted the fields with beans, manioc, and orange trees. As fields became exhausted after two or three years, new plots were cleared and old ones permitted to lie fallow for 10 to 20 years so they could be reclaimed by the forest. Hunting and fishing provided a significant portion of people's food and, though seemingly isolated, villagers traded some forest products especially yerba-mate leaves, for hooks, machetes, soap, and salt with outsiders. Results of his study were described in "Cultivating the Tropical Forest," an article included in earlier editions of Conformity and Conflict. Subsequent visits to Itanaram over the intervening years reveal changes commonly found in many areas of the Amazon drainage. Roads now bisect the forest, bringing an influx of ranchers, farmers, traders, frontier towns, and truck traffic. Clear cutting for farms and ranches has devastated Guaran life and its sustainable economy. Settlements stand isolated and devoid of resources. Villagers can no longer practice slash-and-burn agriculture; there are no animals to hunt or fish to catch. Without renewable resources, many Indians have joined the legions of unemployed or underemployed in frontier towns, and suicide rates, especially among young men, have skyrocketed. Shouldn"t the Guaran simply accept the pain that accompanies modern development and look forward to a brighter future? No, argues Reed, because the use of forestland for ranches and farming is unsustainable. Cleared land quickly ceases to produce and is left vacant without a surrounding forest to reclaim it, leaving a red desert. Instead, the Guaran model for forest exploitation, even when it involves the extraction of forest products for sale to outsiders, is more economical because it is sustainable. Persuaded by this argument, the Nature Conservancy has recently bought and set aside 280 square miles of forest for sustainable development using the Guaran model. According to Reed's "Forest Development the Indian Way," the Guaran and, in the past, millions of other Indians, exploited the Amazonian tropical forests without causing permanent harm to the ecosystem.

Q: We Are Going UnderwaterSUSAN A. CRATESummary The Viliui Sakha, a horse- and cattle-breeding people of northeastern Siberia, live in an extreme, subarctic climate that has continuous permafrost and annual temperature swings of 180 degrees Fahrenheit. This place-based community has adapted to many different changes over hundreds of yearsbeginning with Russian imperial expansion in the 1600s and as recently as a result of the breakup of the Soviet Union in the 1990s. More recently, their adaptations have been in response to local, physical changes brought about by global climate change. In her essay, Susan Crate outlines the most notable ways global climate change has impacted life for the Sakha, and details their remarkable capacity to adapt to these changes.Crate conducted surveys and interviewed elders of the community who had the advantage of witnessing many decades of change, offering a perspective that not many other community members could. Crate's research identified nine ways in which global climate change has impacted the Sakha, including increased water on the land, late and lagging seasons, a decline in certain game species, and temperature fluctuations. These changes cannot be attributed solely to climate change; many of them have multiple stressors. Regardless, the Sakha have had to make psychological, social, and physical adaptations to accommodate the new reality of their physical world. Interestingly, very few of the Sakha attribute the changes to global climate change, and instead point to other local causes such as a hydroelectric reservoir or the overabundance of technology and mechanization. Despite this, the Sakha will continue to adapt as they have for hundreds of years, figuring out how to negotiate the additional water on their land, learning how to adjust their practices to have enough hay for their cows and horses, and purchasing electric freezers to replace the traditional buluus (underground freezers) that are now increasingly flooded out. The Sakha and their adaptations are offered by Crate as an example of how communities and scientists might benefit from sharing information. Scientists have much to learn about how climate change is affecting local environments and culture, and communities can learn from scientists how to adapt in ways to address these local changes.While many think of geologists and chemists as those best equipped to help the world adapt to the effects of global climate change, Crate believes that anthropologists can help communities weather these changes by fostering a greater understanding of how people like the Sakha have adapted and continue to do so successfully. By identifying and learning about those communities that are the most flexible in their responses to local changes, communities will have a model to follow when global climate change begins to have a greater impact on the more temperate zones of the planet.The increasing water on the land was psychologically upsetting to the Sakha and made them fear that their land was sinking.

Q: We Are Going Underwater SUSAN A. CRATE Summary The Viliui Sakha, a horse- and cattle-breeding people of northeastern Siberia, live in an extreme, subarctic climate that has continuous permafrost and annual temperature swings of 180 degrees Fahrenheit. This place-based community has adapted to many different changes over hundreds of yearsbeginning with Russian imperial expansion in the 1600s and as recently as a result of the breakup of the Soviet Union in the 1990s. More recently, their adaptations have been in response to local, physical changes brought about by global climate change. In her essay, Susan Crate outlines the most notable ways global climate change has impacted life for the Sakha, and details their remarkable capacity to adapt to these changes. Crate conducted surveys and interviewed elders of the community who had the advantage of witnessing many decades of change, offering a perspective that not many other community members could. Crate's research identified nine ways in which global climate change has impacted the Sakha, including increased water on the land, late and lagging seasons, a decline in certain game species, and temperature fluctuations. These changes cannot be attributed solely to climate change; many of them have multiple stressors. Regardless, the Sakha have had to make psychological, social, and physical adaptations to accommodate the new reality of their physical world. Interestingly, very few of the Sakha attribute the changes to global climate change, and instead point to other local causes such as a hydroelectric reservoir or the overabundance of technology and mechanization. Despite this, the Sakha will continue to adapt as they have for hundreds of years, figuring out how to negotiate the additional water on their land, learning how to adjust their practices to have enough hay for their cows and horses, and purchasing electric freezers to replace the traditional buluus (underground freezers) that are now increasingly flooded out. The Sakha and their adaptations are offered by Crate as an example of how communities and scientists might benefit from sharing information. Scientists have much to learn about how climate change is affecting local environments and culture, and communities can learn from scientists how to adapt in ways to address these local changes. While many think of geologists and chemists as those best equipped to help the world adapt to the effects of global climate change, Crate believes that anthropologists can help communities weather these changes by fostering a greater understanding of how people like the Sakha have adapted and continue to do so successfully. By identifying and learning about those communities that are the most flexible in their responses to local changes, communities will have a model to follow when global climate change begins to have a greater impact on the more temperate zones of the planet. According to Crate, her research with the Sakha clarified her belief that global climate change was affecting not only the villagers' physical environment, but also their adaptations to that environment.

Q: We Are Going Underwater SUSAN A. CRATE Summary The Viliui Sakha, a horse- and cattle-breeding people of northeastern Siberia, live in an extreme, subarctic climate that has continuous permafrost and annual temperature swings of 180 degrees Fahrenheit. This place-based community has adapted to many different changes over hundreds of yearsbeginning with Russian imperial expansion in the 1600s and as recently as a result of the breakup of the Soviet Union in the 1990s. More recently, their adaptations have been in response to local, physical changes brought about by global climate change. In her essay, Susan Crate outlines the most notable ways global climate change has impacted life for the Sakha, and details their remarkable capacity to adapt to these changes. Crate conducted surveys and interviewed elders of the community who had the advantage of witnessing many decades of change, offering a perspective that not many other community members could. Crate's research identified nine ways in which global climate change has impacted the Sakha, including increased water on the land, late and lagging seasons, a decline in certain game species, and temperature fluctuations. These changes cannot be attributed solely to climate change; many of them have multiple stressors. Regardless, the Sakha have had to make psychological, social, and physical adaptations to accommodate the new reality of their physical world. Interestingly, very few of the Sakha attribute the changes to global climate change, and instead point to other local causes such as a hydroelectric reservoir or the overabundance of technology and mechanization. Despite this, the Sakha will continue to adapt as they have for hundreds of years, figuring out how to negotiate the additional water on their land, learning how to adjust their practices to have enough hay for their cows and horses, and purchasing electric freezers to replace the traditional buluus (underground freezers) that are now increasingly flooded out. The Sakha and their adaptations are offered by Crate as an example of how communities and scientists might benefit from sharing information. Scientists have much to learn about how climate change is affecting local environments and culture, and communities can learn from scientists how to adapt in ways to address these local changes. While many think of geologists and chemists as those best equipped to help the world adapt to the effects of global climate change, Crate believes that anthropologists can help communities weather these changes by fostering a greater understanding of how people like the Sakha have adapted and continue to do so successfully. By identifying and learning about those communities that are the most flexible in their responses to local changes, communities will have a model to follow when global climate change begins to have a greater impact on the more temperate zones of the planet. In the world of the Viliui Sakha, black shamans travel from the middle world where humans live to interact with sky spirits during the Sakha summer festival, thereby ensuring a plentiful harvest.

Q: We Are Going Underwater SUSAN A. CRATE Summary The Viliui Sakha, a horse- and cattle-breeding people of northeastern Siberia, live in an extreme, subarctic climate that has continuous permafrost and annual temperature swings of 180 degrees Fahrenheit. This place-based community has adapted to many different changes over hundreds of yearsbeginning with Russian imperial expansion in the 1600s and as recently as a result of the breakup of the Soviet Union in the 1990s. More recently, their adaptations have been in response to local, physical changes brought about by global climate change. In her essay, Susan Crate outlines the most notable ways global climate change has impacted life for the Sakha, and details their remarkable capacity to adapt to these changes. Crate conducted surveys and interviewed elders of the community who had the advantage of witnessing many decades of change, offering a perspective that not many other community members could. Crate's research identified nine ways in which global climate change has impacted the Sakha, including increased water on the land, late and lagging seasons, a decline in certain game species, and temperature fluctuations. These changes cannot be attributed solely to climate change; many of them have multiple stressors. Regardless, the Sakha have had to make psychological, social, and physical adaptations to accommodate the new reality of their physical world. Interestingly, very few of the Sakha attribute the changes to global climate change, and instead point to other local causes such as a hydroelectric reservoir or the overabundance of technology and mechanization. Despite this, the Sakha will continue to adapt as they have for hundreds of years, figuring out how to negotiate the additional water on their land, learning how to adjust their practices to have enough hay for their cows and horses, and purchasing electric freezers to replace the traditional buluus (underground freezers) that are now increasingly flooded out. The Sakha and their adaptations are offered by Crate as an example of how communities and scientists might benefit from sharing information. Scientists have much to learn about how climate change is affecting local environments and culture, and communities can learn from scientists how to adapt in ways to address these local changes. While many think of geologists and chemists as those best equipped to help the world adapt to the effects of global climate change, Crate believes that anthropologists can help communities weather these changes by fostering a greater understanding of how people like the Sakha have adapted and continue to do so successfully. By identifying and learning about those communities that are the most flexible in their responses to local changes, communities will have a model to follow when global climate change begins to have a greater impact on the more temperate zones of the planet. An animistic worldview recognizes the sentient quality of humans, while excluding all non-human entities such as animals, plants, and inanimate objects.

Q: We Are Going Underwater SUSAN A. CRATE Summary The Viliui Sakha, a horse- and cattle-breeding people of northeastern Siberia, live in an extreme, subarctic climate that has continuous permafrost and annual temperature swings of 180 degrees Fahrenheit. This place-based community has adapted to many different changes over hundreds of yearsbeginning with Russian imperial expansion in the 1600s and as recently as a result of the breakup of the Soviet Union in the 1990s. More recently, their adaptations have been in response to local, physical changes brought about by global climate change. In her essay, Susan Crate outlines the most notable ways global climate change has impacted life for the Sakha, and details their remarkable capacity to adapt to these changes. Crate conducted surveys and interviewed elders of the community who had the advantage of witnessing many decades of change, offering a perspective that not many other community members could. Crate's research identified nine ways in which global climate change has impacted the Sakha, including increased water on the land, late and lagging seasons, a decline in certain game species, and temperature fluctuations. These changes cannot be attributed solely to climate change; many of them have multiple stressors. Regardless, the Sakha have had to make psychological, social, and physical adaptations to accommodate the new reality of their physical world. Interestingly, very few of the Sakha attribute the changes to global climate change, and instead point to other local causes such as a hydroelectric reservoir or the overabundance of technology and mechanization. Despite this, the Sakha will continue to adapt as they have for hundreds of years, figuring out how to negotiate the additional water on their land, learning how to adjust their practices to have enough hay for their cows and horses, and purchasing electric freezers to replace the traditional buluus (underground freezers) that are now increasingly flooded out. The Sakha and their adaptations are offered by Crate as an example of how communities and scientists might benefit from sharing information. Scientists have much to learn about how climate change is affecting local environments and culture, and communities can learn from scientists how to adapt in ways to address these local changes. While many think of geologists and chemists as those best equipped to help the world adapt to the effects of global climate change, Crate believes that anthropologists can help communities weather these changes by fostering a greater understanding of how people like the Sakha have adapted and continue to do so successfully. By identifying and learning about those communities that are the most flexible in their responses to local changes, communities will have a model to follow when global climate change begins to have a greater impact on the more temperate zones of the planet. The anthropological term "place-based people" refers to a group who depends directly on its immediate environment for both physical and spiritual sustenance.

Q: Illegal Logging and Frontier Conservation NATHAN WILLIAMSON The Bolivian government has worked for years with NGOs (nongovernmental organizations) to create plans for sustainable levels of managed logging in the Bolivian lowlands to protect the Amazon rainforestin particular the Chimanes Indian Reservefrom clear cutting by illegal loggers, ranchers, and farmers. Unfortunately, the policies put in place have largely failed, as Williamson details in his article. His research, beginning nearly a decade after the conservation policy was established, shows that illegal logging continues in the lowlands in a variety of ways, fueled by poverty, weak government enforcement, and a worldwide demand for tropical hardwoods. As his research indicates, conservation policy must take into account how those who live in and around the forest are using it, in addition to the goals of those forming policy. For the Chimanes Indians living in the Bolivian lowlands surrounding the Maniqui River, preserving the most valuable tropical hardwoods means eliminating one of the few ways the men in the tribe can earn money to feed their families. For economic reasons, local tribes earning a subsistence living, bands of chainsaw gangs called cuartoneros and even small, illegal logging companies continue to selectively and illegally harvest mahogany and other tropical hardwood trees, leaving behind the less valuable species. Each group involved in illegal harvesting has a slightly different impact on the forest than does the legal, approved logger who is restricted by the conservation policies in place. The Chimanes Indians stay close to the river and only clear paths wide enough for oxcarts to get the timbers to the river. Cuartoneros (chain saw gangs) use machetes, chainsaws, and a backbreaking relay system to get the cuartones (timbers) to the river, where they float them to small sawmills that sell the wood to larger lumber companies. Both the Chimanes Indians and cuartoneros go into the rainforest and reemerge more than a month later with timbers that will earn them three to five times more than the one dollar a day that most can earn working as manual laborers. Though less destructive than the legal methods that have more impact on the forest, they will still eventually strip the forest of its most valuable treesthe one thing that the Bolivian government and NGOs hope to prevent. Perhaps a viable solution, Williamson suggests, is an international trade agreement that controls the export of tropical hardwood and vilifies the use of illegally harvested woods, similar to the campaigns of the fur industry. Otherwise, the Chimanes and cuartoneros will continue to find ways to support their families, and eventually even approved logging companies may be tempted toward more damaging ways of logging. Williamson believes that sustainably logging virgin rainforest in ways that would permit recovery and timber production over the course of the next 100 years would not cost any more than the current efforts that permit illegal logging.

Q: Illegal Logging and Frontier Conservation NATHAN WILLIAMSON The Bolivian government has worked for years with NGOs (nongovernmental organizations) to create plans for sustainable levels of managed logging in the Bolivian lowlands to protect the Amazon rainforestin particular the Chimanes Indian Reservefrom clear cutting by illegal loggers, ranchers, and farmers. Unfortunately, the policies put in place have largely failed, as Williamson details in his article. His research, beginning nearly a decade after the conservation policy was established, shows that illegal logging continues in the lowlands in a variety of ways, fueled by poverty, weak government enforcement, and a worldwide demand for tropical hardwoods. As his research indicates, conservation policy must take into account how those who live in and around the forest are using it, in addition to the goals of those forming policy. For the Chimanes Indians living in the Bolivian lowlands surrounding the Maniqui River, preserving the most valuable tropical hardwoods means eliminating one of the few ways the men in the tribe can earn money to feed their families. For economic reasons, local tribes earning a subsistence living, bands of chainsaw gangs called cuartoneros and even small, illegal logging companies continue to selectively and illegally harvest mahogany and other tropical hardwood trees, leaving behind the less valuable species. Each group involved in illegal harvesting has a slightly different impact on the forest than does the legal, approved logger who is restricted by the conservation policies in place. The Chimanes Indians stay close to the river and only clear paths wide enough for oxcarts to get the timbers to the river. Cuartoneros (chain saw gangs) use machetes, chainsaws, and a backbreaking relay system to get the cuartones (timbers) to the river, where they float them to small sawmills that sell the wood to larger lumber companies. Both the Chimanes Indians and cuartoneros go into the rainforest and reemerge more than a month later with timbers that will earn them three to five times more than the one dollar a day that most can earn working as manual laborers. Though less destructive than the legal methods that have more impact on the forest, they will still eventually strip the forest of its most valuable treesthe one thing that the Bolivian government and NGOs hope to prevent. Perhaps a viable solution, Williamson suggests, is an international trade agreement that controls the export of tropical hardwood and vilifies the use of illegally harvested woods, similar to the campaigns of the fur industry. Otherwise, the Chimanes and cuartoneros will continue to find ways to support their families, and eventually even approved logging companies may be tempted toward more damaging ways of logging. According to Williamson, the opportunity for higher than average pay and a patronage system keeps Bolivian men returning to the forest to undertake the risky job of illegally harvesting mahogany hardwood.

Q: Illegal Logging and Frontier Conservation NATHAN WILLIAMSON The Bolivian government has worked for years with NGOs (nongovernmental organizations) to create plans for sustainable levels of managed logging in the Bolivian lowlands to protect the Amazon rainforestin particular the Chimanes Indian Reservefrom clear cutting by illegal loggers, ranchers, and farmers. Unfortunately, the policies put in place have largely failed, as Williamson details in his article. His research, beginning nearly a decade after the conservation policy was established, shows that illegal logging continues in the lowlands in a variety of ways, fueled by poverty, weak government enforcement, and a worldwide demand for tropical hardwoods. As his research indicates, conservation policy must take into account how those who live in and around the forest are using it, in addition to the goals of those forming policy. For the Chimanes Indians living in the Bolivian lowlands surrounding the Maniqui River, preserving the most valuable tropical hardwoods means eliminating one of the few ways the men in the tribe can earn money to feed their families. For economic reasons, local tribes earning a subsistence living, bands of chainsaw gangs called cuartoneros and even small, illegal logging companies continue to selectively and illegally harvest mahogany and other tropical hardwood trees, leaving behind the less valuable species. Each group involved in illegal harvesting has a slightly different impact on the forest than does the legal, approved logger who is restricted by the conservation policies in place. The Chimanes Indians stay close to the river and only clear paths wide enough for oxcarts to get the timbers to the river. Cuartoneros (chain saw gangs) use machetes, chainsaws, and a backbreaking relay system to get the cuartones (timbers) to the river, where they float them to small sawmills that sell the wood to larger lumber companies. Both the Chimanes Indians and cuartoneros go into the rainforest and reemerge more than a month later with timbers that will earn them three to five times more than the one dollar a day that most can earn working as manual laborers. Though less destructive than the legal methods that have more impact on the forest, they will still eventually strip the forest of its most valuable treesthe one thing that the Bolivian government and NGOs hope to prevent. Perhaps a viable solution, Williamson suggests, is an international trade agreement that controls the export of tropical hardwood and vilifies the use of illegally harvested woods, similar to the campaigns of the fur industry. Otherwise, the Chimanes and cuartoneros will continue to find ways to support their families, and eventually even approved logging companies may be tempted toward more damaging ways of logging. Numerous logging roads used to legally harvest tropical hardwoods cut up the Chimanes Reserve, an area approximately the same size as the state of Rhode Island.

Q: Illegal Logging and Frontier Conservation NATHAN WILLIAMSON The Bolivian government has worked for years with NGOs (nongovernmental organizations) to create plans for sustainable levels of managed logging in the Bolivian lowlands to protect the Amazon rainforestin particular the Chimanes Indian Reservefrom clear cutting by illegal loggers, ranchers, and farmers. Unfortunately, the policies put in place have largely failed, as Williamson details in his article. His research, beginning nearly a decade after the conservation policy was established, shows that illegal logging continues in the lowlands in a variety of ways, fueled by poverty, weak government enforcement, and a worldwide demand for tropical hardwoods. As his research indicates, conservation policy must take into account how those who live in and around the forest are using it, in addition to the goals of those forming policy. For the Chimanes Indians living in the Bolivian lowlands surrounding the Maniqui River, preserving the most valuable tropical hardwoods means eliminating one of the few ways the men in the tribe can earn money to feed their families. For economic reasons, local tribes earning a subsistence living, bands of chainsaw gangs called cuartoneros and even small, illegal logging companies continue to selectively and illegally harvest mahogany and other tropical hardwood trees, leaving behind the less valuable species. Each group involved in illegal harvesting has a slightly different impact on the forest than does the legal, approved logger who is restricted by the conservation policies in place. The Chimanes Indians stay close to the river and only clear paths wide enough for oxcarts to get the timbers to the river. Cuartoneros (chain saw gangs) use machetes, chainsaws, and a backbreaking relay system to get the cuartones (timbers) to the river, where they float them to small sawmills that sell the wood to larger lumber companies. Both the Chimanes Indians and cuartoneros go into the rainforest and reemerge more than a month later with timbers that will earn them three to five times more than the one dollar a day that most can earn working as manual laborers. Though less destructive than the legal methods that have more impact on the forest, they will still eventually strip the forest of its most valuable treesthe one thing that the Bolivian government and NGOs hope to prevent. Perhaps a viable solution, Williamson suggests, is an international trade agreement that controls the export of tropical hardwood and vilifies the use of illegally harvested woods, similar to the campaigns of the fur industry. Otherwise, the Chimanes and cuartoneros will continue to find ways to support their families, and eventually even approved logging companies may be tempted toward more damaging ways of logging. Cuartoneros, or chainsaw crews, are often made up of poor men from San Borja. They hunt for and harvest mahogany in more remote areas of the Bolivian lowlands.

Q: Illegal Logging and Frontier Conservation NATHAN WILLIAMSON The Bolivian government has worked for years with NGOs (nongovernmental organizations) to create plans for sustainable levels of managed logging in the Bolivian lowlands to protect the Amazon rainforestin particular the Chimanes Indian Reservefrom clear cutting by illegal loggers, ranchers, and farmers. Unfortunately, the policies put in place have largely failed, as Williamson details in his article. His research, beginning nearly a decade after the conservation policy was established, shows that illegal logging continues in the lowlands in a variety of ways, fueled by poverty, weak government enforcement, and a worldwide demand for tropical hardwoods. As his research indicates, conservation policy must take into account how those who live in and around the forest are using it, in addition to the goals of those forming policy. For the Chimanes Indians living in the Bolivian lowlands surrounding the Maniqui River, preserving the most valuable tropical hardwoods means eliminating one of the few ways the men in the tribe can earn money to feed their families. For economic reasons, local tribes earning a subsistence living, bands of chainsaw gangs called cuartoneros and even small, illegal logging companies continue to selectively and illegally harvest mahogany and other tropical hardwood trees, leaving behind the less valuable species. Each group involved in illegal harvesting has a slightly different impact on the forest than does the legal, approved logger who is restricted by the conservation policies in place. The Chimanes Indians stay close to the river and only clear paths wide enough for oxcarts to get the timbers to the river. Cuartoneros (chain saw gangs) use machetes, chainsaws, and a backbreaking relay system to get the cuartones (timbers) to the river, where they float them to small sawmills that sell the wood to larger lumber companies. Both the Chimanes Indians and cuartoneros go into the rainforest and reemerge more than a month later with timbers that will earn them three to five times more than the one dollar a day that most can earn working as manual laborers. Though less destructive than the legal methods that have more impact on the forest, they will still eventually strip the forest of its most valuable treesthe one thing that the Bolivian government and NGOs hope to prevent. Perhaps a viable solution, Williamson suggests, is an international trade agreement that controls the export of tropical hardwood and vilifies the use of illegally harvested woods, similar to the campaigns of the fur industry. Otherwise, the Chimanes and cuartoneros will continue to find ways to support their families, and eventually even approved logging companies may be tempted toward more damaging ways of logging. The Chimanes are a nomadic people who move about the forest to hunt and fish.

Q: Illegal Logging and Frontier Conservation NATHAN WILLIAMSON The Bolivian government has worked for years with NGOs (nongovernmental organizations) to create plans for sustainable levels of managed logging in the Bolivian lowlands to protect the Amazon rainforestin particular the Chimanes Indian Reservefrom clear cutting by illegal loggers, ranchers, and farmers. Unfortunately, the policies put in place have largely failed, as Williamson details in his article. His research, beginning nearly a decade after the conservation policy was established, shows that illegal logging continues in the lowlands in a variety of ways, fueled by poverty, weak government enforcement, and a worldwide demand for tropical hardwoods. As his research indicates, conservation policy must take into account how those who live in and around the forest are using it, in addition to the goals of those forming policy. For the Chimanes Indians living in the Bolivian lowlands surrounding the Maniqui River, preserving the most valuable tropical hardwoods means eliminating one of the few ways the men in the tribe can earn money to feed their families. For economic reasons, local tribes earning a subsistence living, bands of chainsaw gangs called cuartoneros and even small, illegal logging companies continue to selectively and illegally harvest mahogany and other tropical hardwood trees, leaving behind the less valuable species. Each group involved in illegal harvesting has a slightly different impact on the forest than does the legal, approved logger who is restricted by the conservation policies in place. The Chimanes Indians stay close to the river and only clear paths wide enough for oxcarts to get the timbers to the river. Cuartoneros (chain saw gangs) use machetes, chainsaws, and a backbreaking relay system to get the cuartones (timbers) to the river, where they float them to small sawmills that sell the wood to larger lumber companies. Both the Chimanes Indians and cuartoneros go into the rainforest and reemerge more than a month later with timbers that will earn them three to five times more than the one dollar a day that most can earn working as manual laborers. Though less destructive than the legal methods that have more impact on the forest, they will still eventually strip the forest of its most valuable treesthe one thing that the Bolivian government and NGOs hope to prevent. Perhaps a viable solution, Williamson suggests, is an international trade agreement that controls the export of tropical hardwood and vilifies the use of illegally harvested woods, similar to the campaigns of the fur industry. Otherwise, the Chimanes and cuartoneros will continue to find ways to support their families, and eventually even approved logging companies may be tempted toward more damaging ways of logging. According to Williamson, conservation efforts by the Bolivian government and conservation groups have largely succeeded in preventing illegal logging in the Chimanes Indian Reserve.

Q: Conversation Style: Talking on the Job DEBORAH TANNEN Summary In this selection excerpted from her book Talking from 9 to 5, Deborah Tannen describes misunderstandings in the work place based on the different speaking styles of men and women. Tannen notes that most people blame miscommunication on the intentions, different abilities, and character of others, or on their own failure or the failure of the relationship. Miscommunication in the work place, however, often occurs between men and women because gender is a basic indicator of identity and because men and women learn different styles of speaking. Tannen introduces an example of gender-based misunderstanding in which a female manager first uses praise then follows with suggestions to improve a male employee's substandard report. The manager thinks she is diplomatic; the employee mistakes her comments solely as praise and miscommunication occurs. When the revised report is submitted, few of the suggested changes appear, and the employee thinks the manager has been dishonest by first praising and now criticizing the report. The differences, argues Tanner, have to do with different styles of speaking. Men avoid being put in a one-down position by using oppositions such as banter, joking, teasing, and playful put-downs. Women seek the appearance of equality and try to avoid flexing their muscles to get jobs done. The misunderstandings occur when actors take each other's speaking styles literally. The remainder of the selection deals with a particular male speaking style, the reluctance to ask directions. Women ask directions because it seems to be the fastest way to get things done. Men hesitate to ask questions, claiming that they develop their navigation skills by going at things independently. Tannen argues that men avoid asking questions because it puts them in a one- down position. Each style has its pitfalls. Male pilots or doctors who fail to ask questions may endanger their own or other people's lives. Female doctors and managers who ask too many questions may risk signaling that they are tentative or unsure of themselves. Tannen concludes by saying that neither style is inherently wrong, just different, and that speakers should be aware of gender-based speaking styles and flexible in their own use of them. In "Conversation Style: Talking on the Job," Tannen claims that men's failure to ask for directions is a serious flaw in communications between the sexes in the workplace and should be changed.

Q: Conversation Style: Talking on the Job DEBORAH TANNEN Summary In this selection excerpted from her book Talking from 9 to 5, Deborah Tannen describes misunderstandings in the work place based on the different speaking styles of men and women. Tannen notes that most people blame miscommunication on the intentions, different abilities, and character of others, or on their own failure or the failure of the relationship. Miscommunication in the work place, however, often occurs between men and women because gender is a basic indicator of identity and because men and women learn different styles of speaking. Tannen introduces an example of gender-based misunderstanding in which a female manager first uses praise then follows with suggestions to improve a male employee's substandard report. The manager thinks she is diplomatic; the employee mistakes her comments solely as praise and miscommunication occurs. When the revised report is submitted, few of the suggested changes appear, and the employee thinks the manager has been dishonest by first praising and now criticizing the report. The differences, argues Tanner, have to do with different styles of speaking. Men avoid being put in a one-down position by using oppositions such as banter, joking, teasing, and playful put-downs. Women seek the appearance of equality and try to avoid flexing their muscles to get jobs done. The misunderstandings occur when actors take each other's speaking styles literally. The remainder of the selection deals with a particular male speaking style, the reluctance to ask directions. Women ask directions because it seems to be the fastest way to get things done. Men hesitate to ask questions, claiming that they develop their navigation skills by going at things independently. Tannen argues that men avoid asking questions because it puts them in a one- down position. Each style has its pitfalls. Male pilots or doctors who fail to ask questions may endanger their own or other people's lives. Female doctors and managers who ask too many questions may risk signaling that they are tentative or unsure of themselves. Tannen concludes by saying that neither style is inherently wrong, just different, and that speakers should be aware of gender-based speaking styles and flexible in their own use of them. According to Tannen in "Conversation Style: Talking on the Job," most people think that miscommunication is caused by the intention, differing capabilities, and character of others; by their own failure; or a poor relationship.

Q: Conversation Style: Talking on the Job DEBORAH TANNEN Summary In this selection excerpted from her book Talking from 9 to 5, Deborah Tannen describes misunderstandings in the work place based on the different speaking styles of men and women. Tannen notes that most people blame miscommunication on the intentions, different abilities, and character of others, or on their own failure or the failure of the relationship. Miscommunication in the work place, however, often occurs between men and women because gender is a basic indicator of identity and because men and women learn different styles of speaking. Tannen introduces an example of gender-based misunderstanding in which a female manager first uses praise then follows with suggestions to improve a male employee's substandard report. The manager thinks she is diplomatic; the employee mistakes her comments solely as praise and miscommunication occurs. When the revised report is submitted, few of the suggested changes appear, and the employee thinks the manager has been dishonest by first praising and now criticizing the report. The differences, argues Tanner, have to do with different styles of speaking. Men avoid being put in a one-down position by using oppositions such as banter, joking, teasing, and playful put-downs. Women seek the appearance of equality and try to avoid flexing their muscles to get jobs done. The misunderstandings occur when actors take each other's speaking styles literally. The remainder of the selection deals with a particular male speaking style, the reluctance to ask directions. Women ask directions because it seems to be the fastest way to get things done. Men hesitate to ask questions, claiming that they develop their navigation skills by going at things independently. Tannen argues that men avoid asking questions because it puts them in a one- down position. Each style has its pitfalls. Male pilots or doctors who fail to ask questions may endanger their own or other people's lives. Female doctors and managers who ask too many questions may risk signaling that they are tentative or unsure of themselves. Tannen concludes by saying that neither style is inherently wrong, just different, and that speakers should be aware of gender-based speaking styles and flexible in their own use of them. In Tannen's article "Conversation Style: Talking on the Job," claims that women's speaking styles, based on a need to create the appearance of equality, are a better form of communication in the work place than men's more direct speaking styles.

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