Q&A Hero

Q: Manipulating Meaning: The Military Name Game SARAH BOXER Summary Today, several linguists (See work by George Lakoff, for example) have looked at the way metaphor is used to frame a particular view of an event or policy. This selection by Sarah Boxer provides an excellent example of the framing process. Using information drawn from an article entitled "The Art of Naming Operations" by Lt. Col. Gregory C. Sieminski, she shows how the names for military operations have shifted in purpose from an inside code to a public symbol meant to shape public perception. She concludes that the process is more difficult than one might think. The naming of operations began during World War II by the Germans who initiated the process as an inside secret code. The British did the same but with rules laid down by Winston Churchill, who felt operations' names should not be boastful, despondent, or frivolous. After World War II, the U.S. Pentagon started to name military operations for public consumption, which inevitably led to controversies about what names should convey. During the Korean conflict, for example, General MacArthur used aggressive names such as "thunderbolt" and "ripper" for operations. The Vietnam War saw Lyndon Johnson veto aggressive names; for him, the suggested operations name "masher" sounded too aggressive and he replaced it with "white wing." Following Vietnam, the Pentagon bureaucracy codified the process. Each area command was given two-letter sequences that would start two-word operations names. Further, the Pentagon developed a computer program entitled "Code Word, Nickname, and Exercise Term System" (called "NICKA" for short). More recent operations naming involves a verb-noun sequence such as "promote liberty" and "restore hope." Because almost any choice of words seems to offend someone, Boxer concludes that the new game is to find words without meaning. Readers should note that today the first word of the two-word phrase does not need to be a verb. "Iraqi Freedom," is a case in point. According to Boxer's article "The Military Name Game," names for military operations have little effect on the way the public perceives such actions.

Q: According to Bohannan, the Tiv approved of a. Hamlet's desire to kill his father's brother. b. Hamlet's desire to kill Polonius. c. Ophelia's attraction to Polonius. d. Hamlet's mother's hasty marriage to her dead husband's brother.

Q: When the Tiv informed Laura Bohannan that she must be wrong about Hamlet's father's ghost because the dead cannot talk, they displayed what anthropologists call a. culture shock. b. naive realism. c. tacit culture. d. cross-cultural solidarity.

Q: Three of the following describe ways the Tiv interpreted the story of Hamlet? Which one does not? a. The Tiv felt that the ghost of Hamlet's father was really an omen sent by a witch. b. The Tiv decided that Laertes killed his sister, Ophelia, through witchcraft. c. The Tiv were pleased by the quick marriage of Hamlet's mother to her dead husband's brother. d. The Tiv approved of Hamlet's desire to kill his father's brother.

Q: One of the concepts that the Tiv found it necessary to reinterpret when they were told the story of Hamlet was the English category for a. revenge. b. omen. c. zombie. d. ghost.

Q: In her article, "Shakespeare in the Bush," Laura Bohannan shows that a. the story of Hamlet does not retain its original meaning when told to a Tiv audience. b. the story of Hamlet retains Shakespeare's meaning for both the English and the Tiv. c. the Tiv misunderstood why Hamlet's father's ghost would seek revenge. d. the Tiv were shocked by the quick marriage of Hamlet's mother to his uncle.

Q: Shakespeare in the Bush LAURA BOHANNAN Summary This article illustrates the concept of naive realism, the idea that members of one group believe that everyone else sees the world they way they do, and shows how this belief leads to cross-cultural misunderstanding. Convinced that people everywhere can understand the basic theme of Shakespeare's Hamlet, Bohannan tries to tell the story to Tiv elders during fieldwork in West Africa. From the beginning, she finds that the Tiv translate the story into their own cultural categories. Because the Tiv have no category for spirits of the dead who can talk, they believe Hamlet's father's ghost must really be an omen sent by a witch, or a zombie. And for the Tiv, instead of committing an impropriety, Hamlet's mother did well to marry her dead husband's brother within a month of her spouse's death. The Tiv employ the custom of levirate on such occasions, so it is expected for a woman to marry her dead husband's brother. The Tiv think Polonius should be pleased that Hamlet is attracted to his daughter Ophelia. If they cannot marry, she can at least become his mistress, and sons of chiefs give large gifts to the fathers of their mistresses among the Tiv. At each turn in the story, the Tiv view events as they would in their own society, identifying facts according to their own cultural map and reinterpreting motives. The result is a very different Hamlet than Shakespeare wrote, and an excellent example of how culture defines a people's social world. The Tiv example demonstrates that naive realism is a human condition that occurs when people hold mistaken ideas about their own nature of their social and natural environment.

Q: Shakespeare in the Bush LAURA BOHANNAN Summary This article illustrates the concept of naive realism, the idea that members of one group believe that everyone else sees the world they way they do, and shows how this belief leads to cross-cultural misunderstanding. Convinced that people everywhere can understand the basic theme of Shakespeare's Hamlet, Bohannan tries to tell the story to Tiv elders during fieldwork in West Africa. From the beginning, she finds that the Tiv translate the story into their own cultural categories. Because the Tiv have no category for spirits of the dead who can talk, they believe Hamlet's father's ghost must really be an omen sent by a witch, or a zombie. And for the Tiv, instead of committing an impropriety, Hamlet's mother did well to marry her dead husband's brother within a month of her spouse's death. The Tiv employ the custom of levirate on such occasions, so it is expected for a woman to marry her dead husband's brother. The Tiv think Polonius should be pleased that Hamlet is attracted to his daughter Ophelia. If they cannot marry, she can at least become his mistress, and sons of chiefs give large gifts to the fathers of their mistresses among the Tiv. At each turn in the story, the Tiv view events as they would in their own society, identifying facts according to their own cultural map and reinterpreting motives. The result is a very different Hamlet than Shakespeare wrote, and an excellent example of how culture defines a people's social world. The Tiv felt that Laertes bewitched his sister, Ophelia, so that he could sell her body to raise money to repay gambling debts.

Q: Shakespeare in the Bush LAURA BOHANNAN Summary This article illustrates the concept of naive realism, the idea that members of one group believe that everyone else sees the world they way they do, and shows how this belief leads to cross-cultural misunderstanding. Convinced that people everywhere can understand the basic theme of Shakespeare's Hamlet, Bohannan tries to tell the story to Tiv elders during fieldwork in West Africa. From the beginning, she finds that the Tiv translate the story into their own cultural categories. Because the Tiv have no category for spirits of the dead who can talk, they believe Hamlet's father's ghost must really be an omen sent by a witch, or a zombie. And for the Tiv, instead of committing an impropriety, Hamlet's mother did well to marry her dead husband's brother within a month of her spouse's death. The Tiv employ the custom of levirate on such occasions, so it is expected for a woman to marry her dead husband's brother. The Tiv think Polonius should be pleased that Hamlet is attracted to his daughter Ophelia. If they cannot marry, she can at least become his mistress, and sons of chiefs give large gifts to the fathers of their mistresses among the Tiv. At each turn in the story, the Tiv view events as they would in their own society, identifying facts according to their own cultural map and reinterpreting motives. The result is a very different Hamlet than Shakespeare wrote, and an excellent example of how culture defines a people's social world. The Tiv approved of Hamlet's mother's marriage to her husband's brother within a month of her husband's death.

Q: Shakespeare in the Bush LAURA BOHANNAN Summary This article illustrates the concept of naive realism, the idea that members of one group believe that everyone else sees the world they way they do, and shows how this belief leads to cross-cultural misunderstanding. Convinced that people everywhere can understand the basic theme of Shakespeare's Hamlet, Bohannan tries to tell the story to Tiv elders during fieldwork in West Africa. From the beginning, she finds that the Tiv translate the story into their own cultural categories. Because the Tiv have no category for spirits of the dead who can talk, they believe Hamlet's father's ghost must really be an omen sent by a witch, or a zombie. And for the Tiv, instead of committing an impropriety, Hamlet's mother did well to marry her dead husband's brother within a month of her spouse's death. The Tiv employ the custom of levirate on such occasions, so it is expected for a woman to marry her dead husband's brother. The Tiv think Polonius should be pleased that Hamlet is attracted to his daughter Ophelia. If they cannot marry, she can at least become his mistress, and sons of chiefs give large gifts to the fathers of their mistresses among the Tiv. At each turn in the story, the Tiv view events as they would in their own society, identifying facts according to their own cultural map and reinterpreting motives. The result is a very different Hamlet than Shakespeare wrote, and an excellent example of how culture defines a people's social world. The Tiv felt it was a good omen for Hamlet's father's ghost to return and talk with Hamlet.

Q: Shakespeare in the Bush LAURA BOHANNAN Summary This article illustrates the concept of naive realism, the idea that members of one group believe that everyone else sees the world they way they do, and shows how this belief leads to cross-cultural misunderstanding. Convinced that people everywhere can understand the basic theme of Shakespeare's Hamlet, Bohannan tries to tell the story to Tiv elders during fieldwork in West Africa. From the beginning, she finds that the Tiv translate the story into their own cultural categories. Because the Tiv have no category for spirits of the dead who can talk, they believe Hamlet's father's ghost must really be an omen sent by a witch, or a zombie. And for the Tiv, instead of committing an impropriety, Hamlet's mother did well to marry her dead husband's brother within a month of her spouse's death. The Tiv employ the custom of levirate on such occasions, so it is expected for a woman to marry her dead husband's brother. The Tiv think Polonius should be pleased that Hamlet is attracted to his daughter Ophelia. If they cannot marry, she can at least become his mistress, and sons of chiefs give large gifts to the fathers of their mistresses among the Tiv. At each turn in the story, the Tiv view events as they would in their own society, identifying facts according to their own cultural map and reinterpreting motives. The result is a very different Hamlet than Shakespeare wrote, and an excellent example of how culture defines a people's social world. The Tiv lack a concept for what Europeans call a ghost.

Q: Shakespeare in the Bush LAURA BOHANNAN Summary This article illustrates the concept of naive realism, the idea that members of one group believe that everyone else sees the world they way they do, and shows how this belief leads to cross-cultural misunderstanding. Convinced that people everywhere can understand the basic theme of Shakespeare's Hamlet, Bohannan tries to tell the story to Tiv elders during fieldwork in West Africa. From the beginning, she finds that the Tiv translate the story into their own cultural categories. Because the Tiv have no category for spirits of the dead who can talk, they believe Hamlet's father's ghost must really be an omen sent by a witch, or a zombie. And for the Tiv, instead of committing an impropriety, Hamlet's mother did well to marry her dead husband's brother within a month of her spouse's death. The Tiv employ the custom of levirate on such occasions, so it is expected for a woman to marry her dead husband's brother. The Tiv think Polonius should be pleased that Hamlet is attracted to his daughter Ophelia. If they cannot marry, she can at least become his mistress, and sons of chiefs give large gifts to the fathers of their mistresses among the Tiv. At each turn in the story, the Tiv view events as they would in their own society, identifying facts according to their own cultural map and reinterpreting motives. The result is a very different Hamlet than Shakespeare wrote, and an excellent example of how culture defines a people's social world. Bohannan finds that with minor alterations in terminology, the English and the Tiv can understand Shakespeare's Hamlet in the same way.

Q: English speakers do not use /ng/ (the final sound in going, for example) when they speak. This behavior would best be classified as a a. framing rule. b. sociolinguistic rule. c. non-linguistic rule. d. phonological rule.

Q: When linguistic anthropologists search for minimal pairs of words from informants, they are most likely to be looking for a. morphemes. b. metaphors. c. phonemes. d. sociolinguistic rules.

Q: The phrase "tax burden" is a good example of the use of a. hyperbole. b. metaphor. c. non-linguistic symbols. d. linguistic crossover.

Q: The categories and rules for combining vocal symbols are called a. phonemes. b. grammar. c. sociolinguistic rules. d. speech.

Q: Hindi speakers hear which of the following two English phonemes as a single phoneme? a. /t/ and /d/ b. /k/ and /g/ c. /b/ and /d/ d. /v/ and /w/

Q: Minimal categories of speech sounds that serve to keep utterances apart are called a. morphemes. b. minimal pairs. c. words. d. phonemes.

Q: Phonology consists of the categories and rules for forming symbols that engage which of the channels available to humans for communication? a. sight b. touch c. taste d. sound

Q: The behavior that produces vocal sounds is called a. semantics. b. language. c. speech. d. phonology.

Q: The minimal categories of speech sounds that serve to keep utterances apart are called phonemes

Q: A metaphor is an alternative word for something.

Q: People can communicate using nonlinguistic symbols.

Q: Grammar refers to the categories and rules for linking vocal symbols with their referents.

Q: For most people, language uses the channel of sight for communication.

Q: Things other than vocal sounds that can stand for other things are part of language.

Q: Language is a system of cultural knowledge used to generate and interpret speech.

Q: Language refers to the behavior that produces vocal sounds.

Q: According to Gmelch in "Nice Girls Don"t Talk to Rastas," orthodox Rastafarians are a. part of a religious sect whose members go without clothes and subsist off the land b. part of a Muslim sect found largely on Caribbean islands. c. a sub group practicing voodoo religious rights. d. a monastic group that is based on a North African religious tradition.

Q: According to Gmelch in "Nice Girls Don"t Talk to Rastas," people living in the rural Barbadian community where his study abroad student, Hanna, was doing research believed that a. Rastafarians had taken vows of celibacy and young women should not talk to them. b. Rastafarians were low class because their ancestors had come from Africa. c. Rastafarians were lazy, pot smoking people who stole things and bathed naked. d. Rastafarians were members of a religion that revered Islam, not Christianity.

Q: According to Gmelch in "Nice Girls Don"t Talk to Rastas," Barbadian villagers shunned his U.S. study abroad student because she a. had sexual relations with a Rastafarian named Joseph. b. gave Joseph some of the fruit growing on her homestay mother's tree. c. lived for a time with Joseph in his hillside cave. d. was seen talking to and leaving the village with Joseph.

Q: On the basis of his student's negative experience in a Barbadian village, Gmelch concludes in "Nice Girls Don"t Talk to Rastas" that a. it is difficult for U.S. women to find acceptance in Barbadian communities because people there think they are morally "loose." b. American students unconsciously look down on Barbadians and are unable to hide their sense of superiority. c. a great barrier to student research in places like Barbados is that local people view students as tourists. d. U.S. students assume that Barbadian communities are homogeneous and fail to appreciate the social dynamics found in small face-to-face communities.

Q: According to Gmelch in "Nice Girls Don"t Talk to Rastas," the first thing he did after his student, Hanna, told him she was being shunned by the Barbadian villagers where she was doing her research was to a. find and talk to the Rastafarians she had been seen with. b. meet with local elders to discover their views on the problem. c. explain to her homestay mother that Hanna meant no harm. d. pull Hanna out of the village so she could work in a more receptive community.

Q: In "Nice Girls Don"t Talk to Rastas," Gmelch notes that American students often behave according to a principle called personal autonomy when they live among people in other societies. This means that a. if they see what they believe is "truth," they can act without concern for what others think. b. they should be able to have their own private space in which to live. c. they can feel free to criticize local people. d. if they don"t like a local custom, they can ignore it.

Q: According to Gmelch's article, "Nice Girls Don"t Talk to Rastas," when his students do fieldwork in rural Barbadian communities a. they fail to recognize that such communities are homogeneous. b. they ignore the fact that class distinctions may be present in such communities. c. they should expect to be looked down on by villagers. d. they will be embraced warmly by the villagers.

Q: Nice Girls Don"t Talk to Rastas GEORGE GMELCH Summary This article uses the experience of an American student studying abroad to illustrate the concept of naive realism, especially the American insensitivity to the existence of social class and the nature of small communities. Gmelch noted that one of his students, Hanna, whose research he was supervising in Barbados, suddenly encountered a serious fieldwork problem. Her fieldwork involved living in a rural Barbadian community, where she worked in the village school and lived with a host family. For several weeks her work went well. Rapport with her host mother and other villagers was excellent and she was enthusiastic about her experience. Then suddenly her homestay mother demanded that she move out because of what villagers were saying about her. It turned out that she had been seen talking to a Rastafarian named Joseph, and based on their view of Rastas, villagers had concluded that she was smoking marijuana and bathing naked with him and other Rastas. Some even thought she was a drug addict. Gmelch learned that indeed she had met a Rastafarian named Joseph, spoken to him publicly several times in the village, and visited his cave in the hills on a couple of occasions. Hanna was puzzled why villagers would be upset by her behavior. Her fieldwork was based around the concept that anthropologists are supposed to be interested in different kinds of people Her problem related to the existence of class in the Barbadian community; Rastafarians were looked down on. People felt that Rastas often stole vegetables and fruit from villagers and lacked good morals because they often went naked and looked bizarre. The situation was compounded by the size and face-to-face nature of village life. Unlike suburban and urban communities in the U.S., everyone knew each other in the village. Peoples' behavior was a constant topic of gossip. Gmelch dealt with the situation by talking to village elders and Hanna's homestay mother. He explained that she did not understand their concern about Rastas, that she had not slept with Rastas, and that she meant no harm. In the end, Hanna was allowed to remain in the village. She learned that her U.S. suburban culture denied the existence of class and lacked a sense of how close people in a small community can be, combined with an American sense of personal autonomy. In short, she naively assumed that people in rural Barbados would view her behavior by her own standards. In a "postscript" follow up years later, Hanna explained the profound impact that meeting Joseph had had on her sense of openmindedness, and her growing awareness of discrimination and prejudice. In "Nice Girls Don"t Talk to Rastas," Gmelch concludes that U.S. middle-class students do not realize that face-to-face communities like the ones where his students lived in Barbados are homogeneous.

Q: Nice Girls Don"t Talk to Rastas GEORGE GMELCH Summary This article uses the experience of an American student studying abroad to illustrate the concept of naive realism, especially the American insensitivity to the existence of social class and the nature of small communities. Gmelch noted that one of his students, Hanna, whose research he was supervising in Barbados, suddenly encountered a serious fieldwork problem. Her fieldwork involved living in a rural Barbadian community, where she worked in the village school and lived with a host family. For several weeks her work went well. Rapport with her host mother and other villagers was excellent and she was enthusiastic about her experience. Then suddenly her homestay mother demanded that she move out because of what villagers were saying about her. It turned out that she had been seen talking to a Rastafarian named Joseph, and based on their view of Rastas, villagers had concluded that she was smoking marijuana and bathing naked with him and other Rastas. Some even thought she was a drug addict. Gmelch learned that indeed she had met a Rastafarian named Joseph, spoken to him publicly several times in the village, and visited his cave in the hills on a couple of occasions. Hanna was puzzled why villagers would be upset by her behavior. Her fieldwork was based around the concept that anthropologists are supposed to be interested in different kinds of people Her problem related to the existence of class in the Barbadian community; Rastafarians were looked down on. People felt that Rastas often stole vegetables and fruit from villagers and lacked good morals because they often went naked and looked bizarre. The situation was compounded by the size and face-to-face nature of village life. Unlike suburban and urban communities in the U.S., everyone knew each other in the village. Peoples' behavior was a constant topic of gossip. Gmelch dealt with the situation by talking to village elders and Hanna's homestay mother. He explained that she did not understand their concern about Rastas, that she had not slept with Rastas, and that she meant no harm. In the end, Hanna was allowed to remain in the village. She learned that her U.S. suburban culture denied the existence of class and lacked a sense of how close people in a small community can be, combined with an American sense of personal autonomy. In short, she naively assumed that people in rural Barbados would view her behavior by her own standards. In a "postscript" follow up years later, Hanna explained the profound impact that meeting Joseph had had on her sense of openmindedness, and her growing awareness of discrimination and prejudice. In his article "Nice Girls Don"t Talk to Rastas," Gmelch argues that the U.S. students often work on the idea of personal autonomy, meaning that if they see what they believe is truth they can act without concern for what others think.

Q: Nice Girls Don"t Talk to Rastas GEORGE GMELCH Summary This article uses the experience of an American student studying abroad to illustrate the concept of naive realism, especially the American insensitivity to the existence of social class and the nature of small communities. Gmelch noted that one of his students, Hanna, whose research he was supervising in Barbados, suddenly encountered a serious fieldwork problem. Her fieldwork involved living in a rural Barbadian community, where she worked in the village school and lived with a host family. For several weeks her work went well. Rapport with her host mother and other villagers was excellent and she was enthusiastic about her experience. Then suddenly her homestay mother demanded that she move out because of what villagers were saying about her. It turned out that she had been seen talking to a Rastafarian named Joseph, and based on their view of Rastas, villagers had concluded that she was smoking marijuana and bathing naked with him and other Rastas. Some even thought she was a drug addict. Gmelch learned that indeed she had met a Rastafarian named Joseph, spoken to him publicly several times in the village, and visited his cave in the hills on a couple of occasions. Hanna was puzzled why villagers would be upset by her behavior. Her fieldwork was based around the concept that anthropologists are supposed to be interested in different kinds of people Her problem related to the existence of class in the Barbadian community; Rastafarians were looked down on. People felt that Rastas often stole vegetables and fruit from villagers and lacked good morals because they often went naked and looked bizarre. The situation was compounded by the size and face-to-face nature of village life. Unlike suburban and urban communities in the U.S., everyone knew each other in the village. Peoples' behavior was a constant topic of gossip. Gmelch dealt with the situation by talking to village elders and Hanna's homestay mother. He explained that she did not understand their concern about Rastas, that she had not slept with Rastas, and that she meant no harm. In the end, Hanna was allowed to remain in the village. She learned that her U.S. suburban culture denied the existence of class and lacked a sense of how close people in a small community can be, combined with an American sense of personal autonomy. In short, she naively assumed that people in rural Barbados would view her behavior by her own standards. In a "postscript" follow up years later, Hanna explained the profound impact that meeting Joseph had had on her sense of openmindedness, and her growing awareness of discrimination and prejudice. In "Nice Girls Don"t Talk to Rastas," when Gmelch learned about the difficulties his study abroad student was having in her homestay village, he read her field notes and discovered that she had been talking to and accompanying a Rastafarian named Joseph.

Q: Nice Girls Don"t Talk to Rastas GEORGE GMELCH Summary This article uses the experience of an American student studying abroad to illustrate the concept of naive realism, especially the American insensitivity to the existence of social class and the nature of small communities. Gmelch noted that one of his students, Hanna, whose research he was supervising in Barbados, suddenly encountered a serious fieldwork problem. Her fieldwork involved living in a rural Barbadian community, where she worked in the village school and lived with a host family. For several weeks her work went well. Rapport with her host mother and other villagers was excellent and she was enthusiastic about her experience. Then suddenly her homestay mother demanded that she move out because of what villagers were saying about her. It turned out that she had been seen talking to a Rastafarian named Joseph, and based on their view of Rastas, villagers had concluded that she was smoking marijuana and bathing naked with him and other Rastas. Some even thought she was a drug addict. Gmelch learned that indeed she had met a Rastafarian named Joseph, spoken to him publicly several times in the village, and visited his cave in the hills on a couple of occasions. Hanna was puzzled why villagers would be upset by her behavior. Her fieldwork was based around the concept that anthropologists are supposed to be interested in different kinds of people Her problem related to the existence of class in the Barbadian community; Rastafarians were looked down on. People felt that Rastas often stole vegetables and fruit from villagers and lacked good morals because they often went naked and looked bizarre. The situation was compounded by the size and face-to-face nature of village life. Unlike suburban and urban communities in the U.S., everyone knew each other in the village. Peoples' behavior was a constant topic of gossip. Gmelch dealt with the situation by talking to village elders and Hanna's homestay mother. He explained that she did not understand their concern about Rastas, that she had not slept with Rastas, and that she meant no harm. In the end, Hanna was allowed to remain in the village. She learned that her U.S. suburban culture denied the existence of class and lacked a sense of how close people in a small community can be, combined with an American sense of personal autonomy. In short, she naively assumed that people in rural Barbados would view her behavior by her own standards. In a "postscript" follow up years later, Hanna explained the profound impact that meeting Joseph had had on her sense of openmindedness, and her growing awareness of discrimination and prejudice. In "Nice Girls Don"t Talk to Rastas," Gmelch notes that female students from the U.S. find it nearly impossible to conduct fieldwork in Barbados because they are unwittingly disrespectful to Barbadians.

Q: Nice Girls Don"t Talk to Rastas GEORGE GMELCH Summary This article uses the experience of an American student studying abroad to illustrate the concept of naive realism, especially the American insensitivity to the existence of social class and the nature of small communities. Gmelch noted that one of his students, Hanna, whose research he was supervising in Barbados, suddenly encountered a serious fieldwork problem. Her fieldwork involved living in a rural Barbadian community, where she worked in the village school and lived with a host family. For several weeks her work went well. Rapport with her host mother and other villagers was excellent and she was enthusiastic about her experience. Then suddenly her homestay mother demanded that she move out because of what villagers were saying about her. It turned out that she had been seen talking to a Rastafarian named Joseph, and based on their view of Rastas, villagers had concluded that she was smoking marijuana and bathing naked with him and other Rastas. Some even thought she was a drug addict. Gmelch learned that indeed she had met a Rastafarian named Joseph, spoken to him publicly several times in the village, and visited his cave in the hills on a couple of occasions. Hanna was puzzled why villagers would be upset by her behavior. Her fieldwork was based around the concept that anthropologists are supposed to be interested in different kinds of people Her problem related to the existence of class in the Barbadian community; Rastafarians were looked down on. People felt that Rastas often stole vegetables and fruit from villagers and lacked good morals because they often went naked and looked bizarre. The situation was compounded by the size and face-to-face nature of village life. Unlike suburban and urban communities in the U.S., everyone knew each other in the village. Peoples' behavior was a constant topic of gossip. Gmelch dealt with the situation by talking to village elders and Hanna's homestay mother. He explained that she did not understand their concern about Rastas, that she had not slept with Rastas, and that she meant no harm. In the end, Hanna was allowed to remain in the village. She learned that her U.S. suburban culture denied the existence of class and lacked a sense of how close people in a small community can be, combined with an American sense of personal autonomy. In short, she naively assumed that people in rural Barbados would view her behavior by her own standards. In a "postscript" follow up years later, Hanna explained the profound impact that meeting Joseph had had on her sense of openmindedness, and her growing awareness of discrimination and prejudice. In "Nice Girls Don"t Talk to Rastas," Gmelch describes how one of his study abroad students ran into trouble when she began living with a Rastafarian.

Q: Nice Girls Don"t Talk to Rastas GEORGE GMELCH Summary This article uses the experience of an American student studying abroad to illustrate the concept of naive realism, especially the American insensitivity to the existence of social class and the nature of small communities. Gmelch noted that one of his students, Hanna, whose research he was supervising in Barbados, suddenly encountered a serious fieldwork problem. Her fieldwork involved living in a rural Barbadian community, where she worked in the village school and lived with a host family. For several weeks her work went well. Rapport with her host mother and other villagers was excellent and she was enthusiastic about her experience. Then suddenly her homestay mother demanded that she move out because of what villagers were saying about her. It turned out that she had been seen talking to a Rastafarian named Joseph, and based on their view of Rastas, villagers had concluded that she was smoking marijuana and bathing naked with him and other Rastas. Some even thought she was a drug addict. Gmelch learned that indeed she had met a Rastafarian named Joseph, spoken to him publicly several times in the village, and visited his cave in the hills on a couple of occasions. Hanna was puzzled why villagers would be upset by her behavior. Her fieldwork was based around the concept that anthropologists are supposed to be interested in different kinds of people Her problem related to the existence of class in the Barbadian community; Rastafarians were looked down on. People felt that Rastas often stole vegetables and fruit from villagers and lacked good morals because they often went naked and looked bizarre. The situation was compounded by the size and face-to-face nature of village life. Unlike suburban and urban communities in the U.S., everyone knew each other in the village. Peoples' behavior was a constant topic of gossip. Gmelch dealt with the situation by talking to village elders and Hanna's homestay mother. He explained that she did not understand their concern about Rastas, that she had not slept with Rastas, and that she meant no harm. In the end, Hanna was allowed to remain in the village. She learned that her U.S. suburban culture denied the existence of class and lacked a sense of how close people in a small community can be, combined with an American sense of personal autonomy. In short, she naively assumed that people in rural Barbados would view her behavior by her own standards. In a "postscript" follow up years later, Hanna explained the profound impact that meeting Joseph had had on her sense of openmindedness, and her growing awareness of discrimination and prejudice. Gmelch's article, "Nice Girls Don"t Talk to Rastas," describes a conflict caused by his student's naive realism as she did fieldwork in a rural Barbadian community.

Q: In "Fieldwork on Prostitution in the Era of AIDS," Sterk found that in-depth interviews a. worked best if she had asked a list of carefully prepared questions. b. worked best if held in private. c. yielded little in-depth information. d. were the most stressful part of fieldwork.

Q: In "Fieldwork on Prostitution in the Era of AIDS," when Sterk first tried to make contact with prostitutes on the street, they a. became angry and tried to drive her away with threats. b. largely ignored her. c. called their pimps on cell phones causing their pimps to threaten her. d. welcomed her warmly because she was interested in their lives.

Q: Which one of the following is a conclusion that Sterk reached in "Fieldwork on Prostitution in the Era of AIDS" about prostitutes and prostitution based on her field study? a. Although the media portrays men as violent toward prostitutes, most are not. b. Many women are able to leave their life of prostitution behind without any consequences. c. Although police and health professionals insist that prostitutes are drug addicts, most are not. d. First experiences as prostitutes often involve alienation from people outside the life.

Q: Three of the following statements made by Sterk in "Fieldwork on Prostitution in the Era of AIDS" are true. Which one is not? a. It is wise to watch out for self-appointed "gatekeepers." b. The best way to gain rapport is to show interest in informants and do things for them. c. Talking with informants in groups often inhibits ethnographic discovery. d. It is best to give informants some control over the interview.

Q: Which one of the following is an observation that Sterk makes in "Fieldwork on Prostitution in the Era of AIDS" about "gatekeepers"? They a. are not a vital part of fieldwork. b. are important in gaining initial access to a scene. c. may become more important to a study as time goes on. d. tend to be individuals who exist on the periphery of a scene.

Q: According to Sterk, about __________ percent of the prostitutes she interviewed were not drug addicts. a. 10 b. 25 c. 40 d. 15

Q: Fieldwork on Prostitution in the Era of AIDS CLAIRE E. STERK Summary This article discusses ethnographic fieldwork as a processentering the field, making contact, and developing rapport, as well as ethical dilemmas and stress. Undertaking fieldwork in a Western microculture (in this case the culture of prostitute life), illustrates how participant observation, originally developed to discover the content of non-Western cultures, can be adapted for use at home. Sterk's goal was to learn about the lives of prostitutes from the women themselves. Her subjects comprised 180 "low end" prostitutes--those who worked on the streets and in the crack houses of Atlanta and New York in the 1980s and 1990s. Sterk learned that gatekeepers (initial contacts who give you access to other informants) can become less important with time. Some self-nominated key informants had access to only part of a cultural scene. Encouraging women to have some control over the research process enhanced rapport; this meant letting informants tell their own stories and refraining from judgement. Interviews were conducted in private and required consent forms, which perhaps surprisingly Sterk was able to obtain. Abusive figures who controlled prostitutespimpssometimes presented an impediment to research. Fieldwork involved stress, which was partially relieved by being able to leave the field. Leaving the field, however, led to feelings of guilt. The article ends with six observations about prostitutes and their culture. Prostitutes often blame past experiences for their current status and alienation from "normal" people. There are different kinds of prostitutesstreetwalkers, women who became hooked on drugs after they started in the profession, women who entered the life already addicted to drugs, and women who turned tricks as payment for drugs. Contracting AIDS was a great risk for prostitutes, but condom use was often rejected by their customers and pimps. Men are often violent toward prostitutes. Finally, women did sometimes leave this microculture, but their past often followed them. According to Sterk, "Fieldwork on Prostitution in the Era of AIDS," the greatest impediment to developing rapport in the field is the requirement, imposed by her university, that informants sign consent forms.

Q: Fieldwork on Prostitution in the Era of AIDS CLAIRE E. STERK Summary This article discusses ethnographic fieldwork as a processentering the field, making contact, and developing rapport, as well as ethical dilemmas and stress. Undertaking fieldwork in a Western microculture (in this case the culture of prostitute life), illustrates how participant observation, originally developed to discover the content of non-Western cultures, can be adapted for use at home. Sterk's goal was to learn about the lives of prostitutes from the women themselves. Her subjects comprised 180 "low end" prostitutes--those who worked on the streets and in the crack houses of Atlanta and New York in the 1980s and 1990s. Sterk learned that gatekeepers (initial contacts who give you access to other informants) can become less important with time. Some self-nominated key informants had access to only part of a cultural scene. Encouraging women to have some control over the research process enhanced rapport; this meant letting informants tell their own stories and refraining from judgement. Interviews were conducted in private and required consent forms, which perhaps surprisingly Sterk was able to obtain. Abusive figures who controlled prostitutespimpssometimes presented an impediment to research. Fieldwork involved stress, which was partially relieved by being able to leave the field. Leaving the field, however, led to feelings of guilt. The article ends with six observations about prostitutes and their culture. Prostitutes often blame past experiences for their current status and alienation from "normal" people. There are different kinds of prostitutesstreetwalkers, women who became hooked on drugs after they started in the profession, women who entered the life already addicted to drugs, and women who turned tricks as payment for drugs. Contracting AIDS was a great risk for prostitutes, but condom use was often rejected by their customers and pimps. Men are often violent toward prostitutes. Finally, women did sometimes leave this microculture, but their past often followed them. In "Fieldwork on Prostitution in the Era of AIDS," Sterk found that AIDS affects the lives of prostitutes but that customers often refuse to use condoms.

Q: Fieldwork on Prostitution in the Era of AIDS CLAIRE E. STERK Summary This article discusses ethnographic fieldwork as a processentering the field, making contact, and developing rapport, as well as ethical dilemmas and stress. Undertaking fieldwork in a Western microculture (in this case the culture of prostitute life), illustrates how participant observation, originally developed to discover the content of non-Western cultures, can be adapted for use at home. Sterk's goal was to learn about the lives of prostitutes from the women themselves. Her subjects comprised 180 "low end" prostitutes--those who worked on the streets and in the crack houses of Atlanta and New York in the 1980s and 1990s. Sterk learned that gatekeepers (initial contacts who give you access to other informants) can become less important with time. Some self-nominated key informants had access to only part of a cultural scene. Encouraging women to have some control over the research process enhanced rapport; this meant letting informants tell their own stories and refraining from judgement. Interviews were conducted in private and required consent forms, which perhaps surprisingly Sterk was able to obtain. Abusive figures who controlled prostitutespimpssometimes presented an impediment to research. Fieldwork involved stress, which was partially relieved by being able to leave the field. Leaving the field, however, led to feelings of guilt. The article ends with six observations about prostitutes and their culture. Prostitutes often blame past experiences for their current status and alienation from "normal" people. There are different kinds of prostitutesstreetwalkers, women who became hooked on drugs after they started in the profession, women who entered the life already addicted to drugs, and women who turned tricks as payment for drugs. Contracting AIDS was a great risk for prostitutes, but condom use was often rejected by their customers and pimps. Men are often violent toward prostitutes. Finally, women did sometimes leave this microculture, but their past often followed them. In "Fieldwork on Prostitution in the Era of AIDS," Sterk found it was essential to interview prostitutes in the presence of their pimps and other prostitutes in order to gain trust.

Q: Fieldwork on Prostitution in the Era of AIDS CLAIRE E. STERK Summary This article discusses ethnographic fieldwork as a processentering the field, making contact, and developing rapport, as well as ethical dilemmas and stress. Undertaking fieldwork in a Western microculture (in this case the culture of prostitute life), illustrates how participant observation, originally developed to discover the content of non-Western cultures, can be adapted for use at home. Sterk's goal was to learn about the lives of prostitutes from the women themselves. Her subjects comprised 180 "low end" prostitutes--those who worked on the streets and in the crack houses of Atlanta and New York in the 1980s and 1990s. Sterk learned that gatekeepers (initial contacts who give you access to other informants) can become less important with time. Some self-nominated key informants had access to only part of a cultural scene. Encouraging women to have some control over the research process enhanced rapport; this meant letting informants tell their own stories and refraining from judgement. Interviews were conducted in private and required consent forms, which perhaps surprisingly Sterk was able to obtain. Abusive figures who controlled prostitutespimpssometimes presented an impediment to research. Fieldwork involved stress, which was partially relieved by being able to leave the field. Leaving the field, however, led to feelings of guilt. The article ends with six observations about prostitutes and their culture. Prostitutes often blame past experiences for their current status and alienation from "normal" people. There are different kinds of prostitutesstreetwalkers, women who became hooked on drugs after they started in the profession, women who entered the life already addicted to drugs, and women who turned tricks as payment for drugs. Contracting AIDS was a great risk for prostitutes, but condom use was often rejected by their customers and pimps. Men are often violent toward prostitutes. Finally, women did sometimes leave this microculture, but their past often followed them. According to Sterk, "Fieldwork on Prostitution in the Era of AIDS," finding informant sites, making contact, dealing with self-appointed key informants, gaining rapport, dealing with ethical dilemmas and leaving the field were all important challenges to doing ethnographic fieldwork among prostitutes.

Q: Fieldwork on Prostitution in the Era of AIDS CLAIRE E. STERK Summary This article discusses ethnographic fieldwork as a processentering the field, making contact, and developing rapport, as well as ethical dilemmas and stress. Undertaking fieldwork in a Western microculture (in this case the culture of prostitute life), illustrates how participant observation, originally developed to discover the content of non-Western cultures, can be adapted for use at home. Sterk's goal was to learn about the lives of prostitutes from the women themselves. Her subjects comprised 180 "low end" prostitutes--those who worked on the streets and in the crack houses of Atlanta and New York in the 1980s and 1990s. Sterk learned that gatekeepers (initial contacts who give you access to other informants) can become less important with time. Some self-nominated key informants had access to only part of a cultural scene. Encouraging women to have some control over the research process enhanced rapport; this meant letting informants tell their own stories and refraining from judgement. Interviews were conducted in private and required consent forms, which perhaps surprisingly Sterk was able to obtain. Abusive figures who controlled prostitutespimpssometimes presented an impediment to research. Fieldwork involved stress, which was partially relieved by being able to leave the field. Leaving the field, however, led to feelings of guilt. The article ends with six observations about prostitutes and their culture. Prostitutes often blame past experiences for their current status and alienation from "normal" people. There are different kinds of prostitutesstreetwalkers, women who became hooked on drugs after they started in the profession, women who entered the life already addicted to drugs, and women who turned tricks as payment for drugs. Contracting AIDS was a great risk for prostitutes, but condom use was often rejected by their customers and pimps. Men are often violent toward prostitutes. Finally, women did sometimes leave this microculture, but their past often followed them. In "Fieldwork on Prostitution in the Era of AIDS," Sterk found that it was essential to present yourself as an expert on the lives of informants before interviewing them and to use such information to design interviews.

Q: Fieldwork on Prostitution in the Era of AIDS CLAIRE E. STERK Summary This article discusses ethnographic fieldwork as a processentering the field, making contact, and developing rapport, as well as ethical dilemmas and stress. Undertaking fieldwork in a Western microculture (in this case the culture of prostitute life), illustrates how participant observation, originally developed to discover the content of non-Western cultures, can be adapted for use at home. Sterk's goal was to learn about the lives of prostitutes from the women themselves. Her subjects comprised 180 "low end" prostitutes--those who worked on the streets and in the crack houses of Atlanta and New York in the 1980s and 1990s. Sterk learned that gatekeepers (initial contacts who give you access to other informants) can become less important with time. Some self-nominated key informants had access to only part of a cultural scene. Encouraging women to have some control over the research process enhanced rapport; this meant letting informants tell their own stories and refraining from judgement. Interviews were conducted in private and required consent forms, which perhaps surprisingly Sterk was able to obtain. Abusive figures who controlled prostitutespimpssometimes presented an impediment to research. Fieldwork involved stress, which was partially relieved by being able to leave the field. Leaving the field, however, led to feelings of guilt. The article ends with six observations about prostitutes and their culture. Prostitutes often blame past experiences for their current status and alienation from "normal" people. There are different kinds of prostitutesstreetwalkers, women who became hooked on drugs after they started in the profession, women who entered the life already addicted to drugs, and women who turned tricks as payment for drugs. Contracting AIDS was a great risk for prostitutes, but condom use was often rejected by their customers and pimps. Men are often violent toward prostitutes. Finally, women did sometimes leave this microculture, but their past often followed them. According to Sterk, "Fieldwork on Prostitution in the Era of AIDS," 30 prostitutes she Interviewed were college graduates and 75 percent of her informants had graduated from high school.

Q: Fieldwork on Prostitution in the Era of AIDS CLAIRE E. STERK Summary This article discusses ethnographic fieldwork as a processentering the field, making contact, and developing rapport, as well as ethical dilemmas and stress. Undertaking fieldwork in a Western microculture (in this case the culture of prostitute life), illustrates how participant observation, originally developed to discover the content of non-Western cultures, can be adapted for use at home. Sterk's goal was to learn about the lives of prostitutes from the women themselves. Her subjects comprised 180 "low end" prostitutes--those who worked on the streets and in the crack houses of Atlanta and New York in the 1980s and 1990s. Sterk learned that gatekeepers (initial contacts who give you access to other informants) can become less important with time. Some self-nominated key informants had access to only part of a cultural scene. Encouraging women to have some control over the research process enhanced rapport; this meant letting informants tell their own stories and refraining from judgement. Interviews were conducted in private and required consent forms, which perhaps surprisingly Sterk was able to obtain. Abusive figures who controlled prostitutespimpssometimes presented an impediment to research. Fieldwork involved stress, which was partially relieved by being able to leave the field. Leaving the field, however, led to feelings of guilt. The article ends with six observations about prostitutes and their culture. Prostitutes often blame past experiences for their current status and alienation from "normal" people. There are different kinds of prostitutesstreetwalkers, women who became hooked on drugs after they started in the profession, women who entered the life already addicted to drugs, and women who turned tricks as payment for drugs. Contracting AIDS was a great risk for prostitutes, but condom use was often rejected by their customers and pimps. Men are often violent toward prostitutes. Finally, women did sometimes leave this microculture, but their past often followed them. According to Sterk in her article, "Fieldwork on Prostitution in the Era of AIDS," virtually all the prostitutes she interviewed or observed were hooked on drugs.

Q: Lee acquired the ox he intended to slaughter for the !Kung Christmas feast a. from Herero pastoralists living nearby. b. from a South African cattle rancher. c. by catching it in the wild. d. from a friend.

Q: The way the !Kung treated Richard Lee's gift of a Christmas ox reveals how much they value a. male dominance. b family solidarity. c. identification with nature. d. equality.

Q: According to Lee, when a !Kung hunter kills a large animal, he is likely to tell others a. "I have killed a large giraffe." b. "I have killed a big one in the bush." c. "I am no good for hunting. I saw nothing at all...just a little tiny one." d. "A giraffe happened to step in front of my flying arrow."

Q: According to Lee, a !Kung hunter a. eats all of a kill himself. b. shares game only with his own family. c. gives all the meat from an animal he has killed to the man who made the arrow he used. d. shares what he kills with others and expects them to reciprocate.

Q: The cross-cultural misunderstanding experienced between Lee and the !Kung occurred over a. the cultural meaning of the gift of an ox. b. the way Lee gave them the ox. c. the cultural meaning of oxen. d. the poor condition of the ox.

Q: !Kung expressed disappointment with the ox Lee gave them for the Christmas feast because a. the animal was too thin and old. b. this was their way to "cool" a giver's potential arrogance. c. the animal came from an outsider. d. they were afraid that Lee would take the animal back if they showed approval.

Q: Eating Christmas in the Kalahari RICHARD BORSHAY LEE Summary In this article, Lee describes a classic case of cross-cultural misunderstanding that occurred near the completion of his fieldwork among the !Kung Bushmen. To thank the !Kung for allowing him to live and work among them, Lee decided to donate an especially large ox for them to eat at their annual Christmas feast. To his dismay, the !Kung seemed disappointed with the animal he had chosen, claiming that it was too thin, old, and sick. Their attitude persisted even after the butchered ox proved to be so large and fat that it fed 150 people for two days. Only later did Lee discover that the !Kung customarily denigrate and ridicule hunters who have killed large game in order to "cool" their potential arrogance. To Lee, the ox meant a gift, and in American culture gifts should be reciprocated with thanks and appreciation. To the !Kung, the ox was a large animal to be shared, something hunters contribute regularly. For them, the provider must be kept in line lest he become impressed by his own importance (a position related to the !Kung value on equality). Because of these different cultural interpretations of the same act, cross-cultural misunderstanding resulted. As a postscript to this article, remember that the !Kung were studied by Lee in the 60s; few live as foragers today. For an update on the !Kung see the epilogue to article 8 by Lee and Biesele. The misunderstanding that Lee experienced with the !Kung was based on different cultural meanings for Lee's gift of a Christmas ox.

Q: Eating Christmas in the Kalahari RICHARD BORSHAY LEE Summary In this article, Lee describes a classic case of cross-cultural misunderstanding that occurred near the completion of his fieldwork among the !Kung Bushmen. To thank the !Kung for allowing him to live and work among them, Lee decided to donate an especially large ox for them to eat at their annual Christmas feast. To his dismay, the !Kung seemed disappointed with the animal he had chosen, claiming that it was too thin, old, and sick. Their attitude persisted even after the butchered ox proved to be so large and fat that it fed 150 people for two days. Only later did Lee discover that the !Kung customarily denigrate and ridicule hunters who have killed large game in order to "cool" their potential arrogance. To Lee, the ox meant a gift, and in American culture gifts should be reciprocated with thanks and appreciation. To the !Kung, the ox was a large animal to be shared, something hunters contribute regularly. For them, the provider must be kept in line lest he become impressed by his own importance (a position related to the !Kung value on equality). Because of these different cultural interpretations of the same act, cross-cultural misunderstanding resulted. As a postscript to this article, remember that the !Kung were studied by Lee in the 60s; few live as foragers today. For an update on the !Kung see the epilogue to article 8 by Lee and Biesele. !Kung regularly express admiration for one another's hunting achievements.

Q: Eating Christmas in the Kalahari RICHARD BORSHAY LEE Summary In this article, Lee describes a classic case of cross-cultural misunderstanding that occurred near the completion of his fieldwork among the !Kung Bushmen. To thank the !Kung for allowing him to live and work among them, Lee decided to donate an especially large ox for them to eat at their annual Christmas feast. To his dismay, the !Kung seemed disappointed with the animal he had chosen, claiming that it was too thin, old, and sick. Their attitude persisted even after the butchered ox proved to be so large and fat that it fed 150 people for two days. Only later did Lee discover that the !Kung customarily denigrate and ridicule hunters who have killed large game in order to "cool" their potential arrogance. To Lee, the ox meant a gift, and in American culture gifts should be reciprocated with thanks and appreciation. To the !Kung, the ox was a large animal to be shared, something hunters contribute regularly. For them, the provider must be kept in line lest he become impressed by his own importance (a position related to the !Kung value on equality). Because of these different cultural interpretations of the same act, cross-cultural misunderstanding resulted. As a postscript to this article, remember that the !Kung were studied by Lee in the 60s; few live as foragers today. For an update on the !Kung see the epilogue to article 8 by Lee and Biesele. The !Kung regularly understate their own hunting achievements to avoid looking arrogant.

Q: Eating Christmas in the Kalahari RICHARD BORSHAY LEE Summary In this article, Lee describes a classic case of cross-cultural misunderstanding that occurred near the completion of his fieldwork among the !Kung Bushmen. To thank the !Kung for allowing him to live and work among them, Lee decided to donate an especially large ox for them to eat at their annual Christmas feast. To his dismay, the !Kung seemed disappointed with the animal he had chosen, claiming that it was too thin, old, and sick. Their attitude persisted even after the butchered ox proved to be so large and fat that it fed 150 people for two days. Only later did Lee discover that the !Kung customarily denigrate and ridicule hunters who have killed large game in order to "cool" their potential arrogance. To Lee, the ox meant a gift, and in American culture gifts should be reciprocated with thanks and appreciation. To the !Kung, the ox was a large animal to be shared, something hunters contribute regularly. For them, the provider must be kept in line lest he become impressed by his own importance (a position related to the !Kung value on equality). Because of these different cultural interpretations of the same act, cross-cultural misunderstanding resulted. As a postscript to this article, remember that the !Kung were studied by Lee in the 60s; few live as foragers today. For an update on the !Kung see the epilogue to article 8 by Lee and Biesele. The !Kung ridiculed the ox given them by Lee for their Christmas feast because this is the usual way they "cool" the arrogance of people who provide important things for others.

Q: Eating Christmas in the Kalahari RICHARD BORSHAY LEE Summary In this article, Lee describes a classic case of cross-cultural misunderstanding that occurred near the completion of his fieldwork among the !Kung Bushmen. To thank the !Kung for allowing him to live and work among them, Lee decided to donate an especially large ox for them to eat at their annual Christmas feast. To his dismay, the !Kung seemed disappointed with the animal he had chosen, claiming that it was too thin, old, and sick. Their attitude persisted even after the butchered ox proved to be so large and fat that it fed 150 people for two days. Only later did Lee discover that the !Kung customarily denigrate and ridicule hunters who have killed large game in order to "cool" their potential arrogance. To Lee, the ox meant a gift, and in American culture gifts should be reciprocated with thanks and appreciation. To the !Kung, the ox was a large animal to be shared, something hunters contribute regularly. For them, the provider must be kept in line lest he become impressed by his own importance (a position related to the !Kung value on equality). Because of these different cultural interpretations of the same act, cross-cultural misunderstanding resulted. As a postscript to this article, remember that the !Kung were studied by Lee in the 60s; few live as foragers today. For an update on the !Kung see the epilogue to article 8 by Lee and Biesele. Lee's gift of a Christmas ox was ridiculed by the !Kung because he misunderstood their criteria for a desirable animal.

Q: Eating Christmas in the Kalahari RICHARD BORSHAY LEE Summary In this article, Lee describes a classic case of cross-cultural misunderstanding that occurred near the completion of his fieldwork among the !Kung Bushmen. To thank the !Kung for allowing him to live and work among them, Lee decided to donate an especially large ox for them to eat at their annual Christmas feast. To his dismay, the !Kung seemed disappointed with the animal he had chosen, claiming that it was too thin, old, and sick. Their attitude persisted even after the butchered ox proved to be so large and fat that it fed 150 people for two days. Only later did Lee discover that the !Kung customarily denigrate and ridicule hunters who have killed large game in order to "cool" their potential arrogance. To Lee, the ox meant a gift, and in American culture gifts should be reciprocated with thanks and appreciation. To the !Kung, the ox was a large animal to be shared, something hunters contribute regularly. For them, the provider must be kept in line lest he become impressed by his own importance (a position related to the !Kung value on equality). Because of these different cultural interpretations of the same act, cross-cultural misunderstanding resulted. As a postscript to this article, remember that the !Kung were studied by Lee in the 60s; few live as foragers today. For an update on the !Kung see the epilogue to article 8 by Lee and Biesele. Kung ridiculed the ox Lee gave them for their Christmas feast because the animal was too thin and old.

Q: According to Spradley, the actions generated by cultural knowledge are called a. cultural behavior. b. cultural generation. c. cultural artifacts. d. explicit culture.

Q: The idea that human beings act toward things on the basis of the meanings they have for them is a tenet of a. naive realism. b. explicit culture. c. tacit culture. d. symbolic interactionism.

Q: Which of the following is the best example of an action based on a tacit cultural rule for members of U.S. society? a. chewing with one's mouth closed b. driving on the right side of the street c. giving your father "his" chair in front of the family television d. moving to the opposite side of an elevator when there is only one other person in it

Q: According to Spradley, the belief that people everywhere interpret the world in the same way is called a. naive realism. b. cultural behavior. c. explicit culture. d. tacit culture.

Q: According to Spradley, culture, itself, is a kind of a. behavior. b. artifact. c. knowledge. d. ideal system.

Q: According to Spradley, the term "ethnography" refers to a. the discovery and description of the culture of a particular group. b. the statistical testing of hypotheses in the field, using survey questionnaires. c. the discovery of ethnic subgroups within complex societies. d. the process of cross-cultural classification, comparison, and explanation.

Q: Ethnography and Culture JAMES P. SPRADLEY Summary In this introductory chapter from his book Participant Observation, Spradley defines and emphasizes the importance of ethnographic fieldwork and the concept of culture. Ethnography is the work of describing a culture. It requires the discovery of the native or insider's point of view. Cultural behavior consists of the actions generated by cultural knowledge. Cultural artifacts, based on cultural behavior and cultural knowledge, are the things people make or shape from natural resources. Culture, itself, is the socially acquired knowledge that people use to generate behavior and interpret experience. Different cross-cultural interpretations of the same event easily cause misunderstandings. Culture may also be explicit (part of our conscious awareness) or tacit (outside awareness). The meaning of things for members of a group is at the heart of the culture concept, a point related to Blumer's notion of symbolic interactionism. The concept of culture as acquired knowledge has much in common with symbolic interactionism, a theory that seeks to explain human behavior in terms of meanings. Blumer's theory rests on three premises. The first is that "human beings act toward things on the basis of the meanings that the things have for them." The second is that the "meaning of such things is derived from, or arises out of, the social interaction that one has with one's fellows." The third is that "meanings are handled in, and modified through, an interpretive process used by the person dealing with the things he encounters." Spradley concludes by characterizing culture as a map, a guide to action and interpretation. Spradley argues that culture is more like a map, guiding human action, rather than a strict set of rules requiring specific behavior.

Q: Ethnography and Culture JAMES P. SPRADLEY Summary In this introductory chapter from his book Participant Observation, Spradley defines and emphasizes the importance of ethnographic fieldwork and the concept of culture. Ethnography is the work of describing a culture. It requires the discovery of the native or insider's point of view. Cultural behavior consists of the actions generated by cultural knowledge. Cultural artifacts, based on cultural behavior and cultural knowledge, are the things people make or shape from natural resources. Culture, itself, is the socially acquired knowledge that people use to generate behavior and interpret experience. Different cross-cultural interpretations of the same event easily cause misunderstandings. Culture may also be explicit (part of our conscious awareness) or tacit (outside awareness). The meaning of things for members of a group is at the heart of the culture concept, a point related to Blumer's notion of symbolic interactionism. The concept of culture as acquired knowledge has much in common with symbolic interactionism, a theory that seeks to explain human behavior in terms of meanings. Blumer's theory rests on three premises. The first is that "human beings act toward things on the basis of the meanings that the things have for them." The second is that the "meaning of such things is derived from, or arises out of, the social interaction that one has with one's fellows." The third is that "meanings are handled in, and modified through, an interpretive process used by the person dealing with the things he encounters." Spradley concludes by characterizing culture as a map, a guide to action and interpretation. The concept of "explicit culture" is a key part of Herbert Blumer's theory of symbolic interaction.

Q: Ethnography and Culture JAMES P. SPRADLEY Summary In this introductory chapter from his book Participant Observation, Spradley defines and emphasizes the importance of ethnographic fieldwork and the concept of culture. Ethnography is the work of describing a culture. It requires the discovery of the native or insider's point of view. Cultural behavior consists of the actions generated by cultural knowledge. Cultural artifacts, based on cultural behavior and cultural knowledge, are the things people make or shape from natural resources. Culture, itself, is the socially acquired knowledge that people use to generate behavior and interpret experience. Different cross-cultural interpretations of the same event easily cause misunderstandings. Culture may also be explicit (part of our conscious awareness) or tacit (outside awareness). The meaning of things for members of a group is at the heart of the culture concept, a point related to Blumer's notion of symbolic interactionism. The concept of culture as acquired knowledge has much in common with symbolic interactionism, a theory that seeks to explain human behavior in terms of meanings. Blumer's theory rests on three premises. The first is that "human beings act toward things on the basis of the meanings that the things have for them." The second is that the "meaning of such things is derived from, or arises out of, the social interaction that one has with one's fellows." The third is that "meanings are handled in, and modified through, an interpretive process used by the person dealing with the things he encounters." Spradley concludes by characterizing culture as a map, a guide to action and interpretation. Herbert Blumer developed a theory of symbolic interactionism.

Q: Ethnography and Culture JAMES P. SPRADLEY Summary In this introductory chapter from his book Participant Observation, Spradley defines and emphasizes the importance of ethnographic fieldwork and the concept of culture. Ethnography is the work of describing a culture. It requires the discovery of the native or insider's point of view. Cultural behavior consists of the actions generated by cultural knowledge. Cultural artifacts, based on cultural behavior and cultural knowledge, are the things people make or shape from natural resources. Culture, itself, is the socially acquired knowledge that people use to generate behavior and interpret experience. Different cross-cultural interpretations of the same event easily cause misunderstandings. Culture may also be explicit (part of our conscious awareness) or tacit (outside awareness). The meaning of things for members of a group is at the heart of the culture concept, a point related to Blumer's notion of symbolic interactionism. The concept of culture as acquired knowledge has much in common with symbolic interactionism, a theory that seeks to explain human behavior in terms of meanings. Blumer's theory rests on three premises. The first is that "human beings act toward things on the basis of the meanings that the things have for them." The second is that the "meaning of such things is derived from, or arises out of, the social interaction that one has with one's fellows." The third is that "meanings are handled in, and modified through, an interpretive process used by the person dealing with the things he encounters." Spradley concludes by characterizing culture as a map, a guide to action and interpretation. Tacit culture refers to cultural knowledge that informants consciously hide from the ethnographer.

Q: Ethnography and Culture JAMES P. SPRADLEY Summary In this introductory chapter from his book Participant Observation, Spradley defines and emphasizes the importance of ethnographic fieldwork and the concept of culture. Ethnography is the work of describing a culture. It requires the discovery of the native or insider's point of view. Cultural behavior consists of the actions generated by cultural knowledge. Cultural artifacts, based on cultural behavior and cultural knowledge, are the things people make or shape from natural resources. Culture, itself, is the socially acquired knowledge that people use to generate behavior and interpret experience. Different cross-cultural interpretations of the same event easily cause misunderstandings. Culture may also be explicit (part of our conscious awareness) or tacit (outside awareness). The meaning of things for members of a group is at the heart of the culture concept, a point related to Blumer's notion of symbolic interactionism. The concept of culture as acquired knowledge has much in common with symbolic interactionism, a theory that seeks to explain human behavior in terms of meanings. Blumer's theory rests on three premises. The first is that "human beings act toward things on the basis of the meanings that the things have for them." The second is that the "meaning of such things is derived from, or arises out of, the social interaction that one has with one's fellows." The third is that "meanings are handled in, and modified through, an interpretive process used by the person dealing with the things he encounters." Spradley concludes by characterizing culture as a map, a guide to action and interpretation. Anthropologists, such as George Hicks, look for inside meaning when they do ethnographic research.

Q: Ethnography and Culture JAMES P. SPRADLEY Summary In this introductory chapter from his book Participant Observation, Spradley defines and emphasizes the importance of ethnographic fieldwork and the concept of culture. Ethnography is the work of describing a culture. It requires the discovery of the native or insider's point of view. Cultural behavior consists of the actions generated by cultural knowledge. Cultural artifacts, based on cultural behavior and cultural knowledge, are the things people make or shape from natural resources. Culture, itself, is the socially acquired knowledge that people use to generate behavior and interpret experience. Different cross-cultural interpretations of the same event easily cause misunderstandings. Culture may also be explicit (part of our conscious awareness) or tacit (outside awareness). The meaning of things for members of a group is at the heart of the culture concept, a point related to Blumer's notion of symbolic interactionism. The concept of culture as acquired knowledge has much in common with symbolic interactionism, a theory that seeks to explain human behavior in terms of meanings. Blumer's theory rests on three premises. The first is that "human beings act toward things on the basis of the meanings that the things have for them." The second is that the "meaning of such things is derived from, or arises out of, the social interaction that one has with one's fellows." The third is that "meanings are handled in, and modified through, an interpretive process used by the person dealing with the things he encounters." Spradley concludes by characterizing culture as a map, a guide to action and interpretation. Spradley defines culture as behavior, artifacts, and knowledge.

Q: The belief and feeling that one's own culture is best is called a. cultural relativism. b. naive realism. c. detached observation. d. ethnocentrism.

Q: The view that all people see and understand the world in the same way is called a. naive realism. b. culture shock. c. ethnocentrism. d. detached observation.